Author Archives: Peter Levine

youth media

My

good friends at the Center for Media Education

sent me a list of youth-led civic projects that use the Internet. Here

are a few great examples from their list:

  • Teen

    Consumer Scrapbook (Sponsored by the Washington State Attorney General’s Office)

  • Flint Profiles

    ("By teaching information access and computer technology as tools for change,

    this project aims to empower high school students to succeed as decision makers

    who influence community leaders to respond to their ideas for change. Through

    this project, young activists will learn to put their passion into action.")

  • Harlem

    Live (Mission: "To empower a diverse group of youth towards leadership

    using experience and exposure to media and technology. … HarlemLive is award

    winning, critically acclaimed web magazine produced by teens from throughout New

    York City".)

  • Street

    Level ("Street-Level Youth Media educates Chicago’s inner-city youth

    in media
    arts and emerging technologies for use in self-expression communication,

    and social change.")

  • Wire Tap

    ("WireTap is the independent information source by and for socially conscious

    youth. We showcase investigative news articles, personal essays and opinions,

    artwork and activism resources that challenge stereotypes, inspire creativity,

    foster dialogue and give young people a voice in the media.")

Jonathan Dancy’s particularism

I think that Jonathan Dancy, a British moral philosopher,

has made an important contribution with an argument that I would loosely paraphrase

as follows. (See this

webpage for his own statement.)

Although moral philosophy

is highly diverse in its methods and conclusions, it almost always involves an

effort to identify concepts or words that have consistent moral significance.

For instance, when we examine a complex case of adultery, we may detect numerous

features that are morally relevant: promise-breaking, deceit, self-indulgence,

lust, pleasure, happiness, love, freedom, and self-fulfillment. We may not know

how to judge the case, since its features push us in various directions. But we

do know—or we think we know—the valence of each concept. Regardless

of our overall judgment of an adultery story, the fact that it involves a broken

promise makes it worse than it would otherwise be. The fact that it expresses

freedom or increases happiness makes it better. And so on.

This kind of

analysis has the advantage of allowing what Dancy calls "switching arguments."

We form a strong opinion about the moral polarity of a concept that arises in

well-understood cases, and then we apply (or "switch") it to new situations.

So, for example, if we admire conventional marriage because it reflects long-term

mutual commitment, then we ought to admire the same feature in gay relationships.

But what if moral concepts do not have the same valence or polarity in

each case? What if they are not always good or bad (even "all else being

equal"), but instead change their polarity depending on the context? Clearly,

this is true of some concepts. Pleasure, for example, is often a good thing, but

not if it comes from observing someone else’s pain—then the presence of pleasure

is actually bad, even if it has no impact on the sufferer. In my view, it is a

mistake to isolate "pleasure" as a general moral concept, because one

cannot tell whether it makes things better or worse, except by examining how it

works in each context.

Philosophers have always been eager to reject some

potential moral concepts as ambiguous and unreliable; but they have wanted to

retain at least a few terms as guides to judgment. Thus, for instance, Kant drops

"pleasure" and "happiness" from the moral lexicon, but "duty"

remains. It would be revolutionary to assert, as Dancy does, that "every

consideration is capable of having its practical polarity reversed by changes

in context." Dancy believes that no concepts, reasons, or values have the

same moral polarity in all circumstances. Whether a feature of an act or situation

is good or bad always depends on the context, on the way that the feature interacts

with other factors that are also present in the concrete situation. To shake our

confidence that some important moral concepts have consistent polarities, Dancy

provides many examples in which the expected moral significance of a concept is

reversed by the context. For example, truth-telling is generally good. But willingly

telling the truth to a Gestapo agent, even about some trivial matter such as the

time of day, would be regrettable. Returning a borrowed item is usually good-but

not if you learn that it was stolen, in which case it is wrong to give it back

to the thief.

at the ECS

p>I’m still at the Education Commission of

the States in Denver, discussing state standards in civics. One distinguished

colleague argued that no educational reform really succeeds unless a state

has all of the following elements in place: appropriate standards,

tests, courses, textbooks, funding, and professional development opportunities.

(It can also be useful to have appropriate admissions requirements at

the state university.) Unfortunately, all the elements of an effective

civics program are missing in most states today. This is a serious matter,

for young people are being inadequately prepared to participate in politics

in civic life, and consequently many are not involved at all. (We make

this general argument in The

Civic Mission of Schools report.)

the risks of controversy in schools

I’m in Denver, at the Education Commission

of the States, talking about state standards in civics and social

studies. The topic is what students should know, think, feel, and

do about politics and civil society. The group is very well informed and

represents all the relevant disciplines and professions. So far, there

have been few (if any) broad and systematic disagreements. Most experts

feel some tension about standards, accountability, and testing. They ask

themselves: are these things inherently harmful, since they reduce schools’

capacity to operate democratically, or do we need good standards and tests

to encourage civics? There was also a very interesting discussion that

pitted academics (including me) against a school superintendent of a fairly

major school system. The academics worry that schools are suppressing

discussion of controversial political issues. The superintendent told

horror stories about teachers who proselytize for various fringe political

causes. I certainly could see his point about the risks—both moral

and political—of encouraging teachers to bring politics into the

classroom. On the other hand, if we prevent teachers from advocating for

political causes, then there is a risk that students will never meet any

adults who are politically active and articulate.

the 2004 election will be close

A report for Washington: I know many Democrats, and they all

seem highly pessimistic about 2004. They think that Karl Rove is a genius,

that Bush will coast to re-election because of the Iraq war, that Republicans

have enormous advantages in money and media support, that the country

is moving rightward, that the Democratic leadership is weak and divided—in

short, that we are headed for a landslide.

I dislike political prognostication and am generally not good at it.

(It seems to me that the important question is not who will win,

but what policies we should want to prevail.) Nevertheless, I cannot resist

observing that the future is completely unpredictable and that a Democrat

could be the one to win by a landslide in ’04. The economy will need

to improve quickly to get above the level that usually re-elects presidents

(3% annual growth). Surveys show very little support for the Bush economic

strategy if it is separated from his personal popularity. The stimulative

effects of the new budget are likely to be small, and the expected postwar

bounce has been modest. Iraq represents a genuine victory right now, which

no one should gainsay—but unfortunately for all of us, it could still

easily turn into a momentous disaster. Cutbacks at the state level are

going to remain a huge issue, and state leaders will have justifiable

reasons to blame Washington. If governors start accusing Bush of cutting

taxes at their expense, it could create a serious political problem for

him. (The $20 billion in aid to states that Congress just passed may inoculate

Bush against charges that he abandoned the states, so it very lucky for

him.) The Republicans are planning to use Sept. 11 politically, even choosing

New York City for their convention—a strategy that will backfire

if New Yorkers effectively protest the way that they have been mistreated

since 2001. (Or if, God forbid, we are attacked again.) The demographic

trends in states like Florida point the Democrats’ way, and they start

with a 2000 base that was bigger than Bush’s. The absence of serious third-party

competition from the left will help too. Even the media may be neutralized

if reporters shift, pack-like, from adulating Bush to criticizing him

once his popularity starts to slip for other reasons.

In short, this is a nonpartisan blog, but I wouldn’t bet a lot of money

on a Republican victory, even if I were a Republican.