Charlie Hebdo, American academia, and free speech

David Brooks begins today’s column: “The journalists at Charlie Hebdo are now rightly being celebrated as martyrs on behalf of freedom of expression, but let’s face it: If they had tried to publish their satirical newspaper on any American university campus over the last two decades it wouldn’t have lasted 30 seconds. Student and faculty groups would have accused them of hate speech. The administration would have cut financing and shut them down.”

It’s critical to distinguish between two questions: 1) How should I (or a small group) manage a forum of communication that is under my or our control? and 2) What rights do people have to run their own fora?

A forum might be a newspaper or a magazine, a course, a speaker series, a website, or the wall outside my office. If I (either alone or with colleagues) am responsible for that forum, then I must decide how it should be run. It can be an open forum in which anyone may post anything. But that is a choice, not an obligation, and often it’s a bad one. I much prefer the edited and curated homepage of the New York Times to an unmoderated chat. Assuming we choose to manage a space, we must make constant decisions about what and whom to include and exclude. It is appropriate to consider questions of relevance, quality, impact on various people, diversity, consistency, fairness, and more.

A society, however, should not be a forum with one set of rules and values. It should include an enormous array of quasi-autonomous fora under many different managers, rules, and value-systems. Individuals and voluntary groups should have very extensive rights to create and run their own fora in their own ways.

Thus there is no contradiction at all between saying (a) I would rather not post an anti-Islamic cartoon on my website or invite an anti-Islamic speaker to address my class, and (b) the cold-blooded murder of Charlie Hebdo’s staff was a fascistic assault on human rights and liberty. These are actually closely related ideas, because both stem from the fundamental principle that forums of communication must be plural and autonomous.

Thus I am not concerned or embarrassed that American academic institutions may be reluctant to invite inflammatory anti-Muslim speakers. That’s a reasonable judgment by the organizers of those particular fora.

One thing that does worry me is the gradual evolution of each American university from a plural array of fora into a singular forum. In some ideal world, a university would be a space in which tenured faculty and students can exercise a high degree of free speech, creating their own mini-fora: diverse classes, speaker series, associations, and publications. To be sure, certain aspects of the university–such as the annual commencement address–must be chosen by the institution and thus must be governed by uniform criteria and processes. But in a healthy university, those centralized fora do not crowd out all the diversity.

I see increased centralization of control over a university’s discourse and inquiry, due to: the influence of external donors, the severe shortage of tenured positions, the rising share of contingent faculty, IRB review, multiplying layers of administration (so writes an associate dean for research), increasingly sophisticated PR efforts, and the growing role of metrics and assessments. Campus speech codes and other explicit regulations of speech may also play a role–and I am skeptical of these interventions–but I don’t think they represent the main threat to pluralism.

2 thoughts on “Charlie Hebdo, American academia, and free speech

  1. Paul Evans

    Peter, the problem is surely in the shoddy thinking behind what is acceptable and what isn’t, and it’s the product of a widespread failure to grasp a single simple point: It is never acceptable to attack someone because of who they are in the same way that it is never acceptable to allow *any* idea or course of action to escape criticism.

    It is a virtuous thing to take the trouble to attack someone’s opinions or activities and a critical society benefits us all, even if you’re criticism is ill-founded (which should hurt you more than anyone else).

    That society thrives upon diversity and pluralism of expression and if there is an idea – any idea – that no-one is currently attacking, then we have a moral duty to ensure that it is attacked. Islam is an idea. Muslims are people. The former needs to criticised more and the latter needs to be intimidated and discriminated against less.

    If Islam as a faith is the exclusive target of criticism, then that’s a different problem. By defending your right to offend Muslims you’re also asserting your right to also criticise Christians – which I suspect American Universities may also be a bit reluctant to do? (I may be wrong about that, knowing virtually nothing about US Universities….)

    1. PeterLevine

      Paul, I agree with this and find it wise: “It is never acceptable to attack someone because of who they are in the same way that it is never acceptable to allow *any* idea or course of action to escape criticism.” However, I also think the application of this principle can be tricky in particular circumstances, because sometimes an idea is also a personal identity, and vice-versa. Is someone a Jew or a subscriber to the ideas of Judaism? Is someone an Israeli or a believer in Zionism? Is someone a same-sex married partner or a believer in same-sex marriage? It’s hard to criticize those ideas without attacking the persons. I nevertheless agree with you that we should strive for that distinction.

      Re your question: US academia is very heterogeneous, but in elite secular institutions, it probably is quite a bit easier to criticize Christianity in official fora than to criticize Islam. That’s because the objection is to discriminatory treatment of a disadvantaged minority, and Christianity is the dominant belief. That said, there is also probably more quiet prejudice against Islam than against Christianity in those institutions.

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