alienating Zionism

It is wise to let the odious speak; they make the most eloquent cases against themselves. In the Op-Ed page of today’s New York Times, the Israeli politician Danny Danon says that U.N. recognition of a Palestinian state would be an opportunity for Israel to “annex the Jewish communities of the West Bank, or as Israelis prefer to refer to our historic heartland, Judea and Samaria.” It would be a chance for Israel to end all financial support for the Palestinian authority, prevent Palestinians from ever becoming Israeli citizens, “right a historic wrong,” and “rectify the mistake we made in 1967 by failing to annex all of the West Bank.” Danon says nothing at all about the interests and rights of the West Bank’s 2.4 million Arabs, “who would continue to live in their own—unannexed—towns.”

Some time ago, Mark Kleiman attended what he considered a racist, anti-Arab gathering and declared himself a former Zionist: “In the immortal words of Sam Goldwyn, ‘Include me out.'” Jonathan Chait sympathized with his reaction to the event but thought the conclusion nonsensical. Chait said, “Zionism is the belief that there should be an Jewish state in some approximation of the land where it existed before the Diaspora.”

Nobody gets to decide (by himself) what a word means, but I see three options.

  1. “Zionism” simply means a belief that there should be a Jewish state in roughly the location it now occupies. If that’s Zionism, include me in, but note that I also believe there should be a Democratic Republic of São Tomé and Príncipe in roughly the same location that it occupies today. My feelings are similar for about 190 other countries as well.
  2. Zionism is what Danny Danon thinks it is. He says that seizing much of the West Bank “would further Zionist values and strengthen the State of Israel,” as did a series of previous annexations. If that is Zionism, include me out.
  3. Finally, “Zionism” could mean, not only a passive acknowledgment that Israel has a right to exist, but also an emotional bond with the State of Israel and a willingness to support that country more actively than one supports most others. Indeed, I think that is what the word generally means. Statements like Dolon’s make the emotional bond more difficult for me.

(I wrote most of this early this morning, before the president’s major speech, in which he said, “The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled  with permanent occupation.” That is correct, and I would hope it is compatible with “Zionist values.” Danny Dolon’s reaction: “it is now clear that the U.S. President has adopted Yasser Arafat’s infamous ‘Stages Plan’ and the hope to eventually remove the State of Israel from the map.” If you agree with the president and disagree with Dolon, check out J-Street and Americans for Peace Now.)

increasing the odds of success for young people’s civic work

My favorite civic education courses and programs are ones that ask kids to discuss local issues, deliberate about what to do, act together, and then reflect. This seems the best pedagogy, but it presents a consistent challenge.

Middle-class, suburban kids tend to identify problems that they can address effectively within a finite amount of time. For example, they might note that there’s always a traffic jam in the high school parking lot at 3 pm, come up with an alternative traffic plan, and offer it to a principal who is delighted to adopt it. They learn skills, gain confidence, and feel great. Meanwhile, their low-income, urban peers are identifying homicide or the dropout rate as their key concern. They either fail to address such problems or they realize that they will fail and shift to some other objective. Often they decide to raise awareness among their peers, knowing that “awareness” is ultimately not very useful. As a result, their sense of political self-confidence (or “efficacy,” in the jargon) often declines as a result of their work. For evidence, see:

I think this is the great issue in the field. Some possible solutions  include: 1) careful, guided selection of topics for students’ projects, which Fehrman and Schutz recommend; 2) very skillful preparation and reflection, including constructive reflection on the barriers that students encounter (which Ferhman and Schutz also recommend); and/or 3) not starting over with new projects every semester or course. I would advocate more experimentation with cumulative civic projects, in which students are asked to build on what their predecessors began. That reduces their power to choose issues and strategies, but it also gives them more chance of success. After all, most adult community projects don’t start and end within 14 weeks; we build on previous work.

could the college bubble burst?

A search for “college” and “bubble” will yield many articles about rising tuition rates (up by 440 percent since 1985), frantic efforts to attend the most selective colleges, mountains of student debt, and the possibility that this whole system will soon collapse like the market for tulips in baroque Amsterdam. See, for instance, this relatively sober piece in the Chronicle of Higher Education.

I won’t quite join in the denunciations of tuition inflation. Some students receive truly inspiring and enriching college educations whose value is hard to estimate but probably exceeds the price.

Also, at institutions like mine, middle class students qualify for financial aid. It’s smart to charge a sticker price of $50,000 if substantial numbers of families can pay that much, and then offer discounts for the many families who cannot. Setting a lower sticker price would be like leaving money on the table (money that can be used for educational and scholarly purposes). The only drawback–and it’s a serious one–is the misimpression that everyone really pays $50,000. That could (and probably does) dissuade some poor and middle-class students from applying.

In any case, I’m convinced that tuition is rising faster than inflation because of the Baumol Effect, not just a bubble. Sectors like manufacturing, transportation, and retail achieve constant productivity gains because of technology. But colleges basically sell hours of attention by professors. To be more specific, they offer this implicit formula:

Hours with a professor times reputation or qualifications of the professor divided by the number of other students in the room.

If that’s the product, there is no way to cut its cost, which constantly rises relative to other goods. The cost of maintaining a faculty with a distinguished reputation rises even faster whenever the world of science and scholarship expands and research becomes more complex and expensive.

Colleges basically try to get away with alternative products: huge lecture classes, teaching by adjuncts. But savvy students who have strong positions in the admissions market choose institutions that offer as close as possible to the real deal.

Even given these partial justifications, I would be quick to admit that the sector has a problem. Many students do not have deeply enriching experiences in college, if only because they are not prepared or motivated for the best aspects of higher education (seminars on Plato, real scientific work, service-learning). Even for students who do get a good education, the sticker price is awfully high, and neither the Baumol Effect nor financial aid discounts excuses it fully.

Part of the problem is that college is a positional good: you look better in the job market if you graduate from an institution that has a higher rank than others. Colleges that are selective tend to rise on most people’s lists (whether implicit lists or literal rankings like that of US News & World Report.) If the nation’s best students all decided to flood NoName State, its mean SAT scores would rise, its acceptance rate would plummet, and the value of its diploma would soar. But that’s not how the market actually works. Distinguished faculties, ancient campuses, and beautiful facilities are what draw competitive students. These are signals that other strong applicants will apply. Markers of prestige cost money, and once you have them, you can get away with charging high tuition because of the competitive advantage that your diploma will offer.

Because people believe that expensive diplomas offer competitive advantages, the system sustains itself. I think the bubble would burst if:

  1. Prospective students decided en masse that prestigious degrees did not offer tangible benefits. There is some evidence that the benefits have been exaggerated, and if that news gets out, it could burst the bubble. On the other hand, families obtain non-economic advantages from prestige, like the opportunity to brag that their kids go to Stanford.
  2. All the really smart kids decided that they didn’t care about prestige but only about learning. They would all have to decide this at once, because we learn from smart peers in college. As long as the most competitive applicants chose to attend the most prestigious and expensive schools, that is where the smartest peers –and best discussions, and hardest classes–are.
  3. Lots of competitive applicants decided all at once to go to low-cost schools, in which case the prestige of those institutions would rise but the price of prestige would fall, at least temporarily. It’s hard to see this happening, because applicants can’t coordinate their decisions. Hence the most competitive ones apply to expensive and famous institutions.

Because each of these scenarios seems unlikely, I doubt the bubble will burst. But the costs of college are too high. That creates barriers to attendance and encourages harmful economies, such as exploiting adjuncts. The only way I can think of to cut the actual cost of higher education is to find valid alternatives to the formula stated in italics above. An example would be an elaborate computer-based simulation that was as valuable as time with a professor. That would address the Baumol Effect by bringing productivity gains to higher education.

my blog has moved

After more than eight years at www.peterlevine.ws/mt and more than seven years blogging with the same old version of MovableType software, I am shifting over to WordPress and this new blog homepage: peterlevine.ws. (In 2003, it seemed appropriate to treat a “weblog” as a subsidiary feature on my personal website; now I am making it my homepage.)

If you have followed my blog by bookmarking it or by RSS, please change your settings. (Here is the new RSS feed.) If you follow it by Twitter or Facebook, you need make no changes.

I will leave the old blog archives up for the time being, although they are reproduced in full on the new WordPress blog. After a while, I will make the old blog homepage “redirect” to this one.

Some advantages of the new WordPress blog: a whole new look (I was tired of the old one), integration with Facebook and Twitter, a better commenting system, and a chance to rewrite and redesign all my static pages (like “About” and “Civic Renewal“) that are linked from the main navigation bar.

As always, comments and suggestions are welcome.

why young people don’t vote

This graph (using Census survey data from 2010) presents an interesting contrast:

Reasons Given for Not Voting, 2010

College students are much more likely to cite being out of town or away from home as the reason they didn’t vote. That make sense: they tend to live away. Their peers who are not in college are somewhat more likely to cite a lack of interest or faith in the impact of their vote. They are also more likely to give miscellaneous “other” reasons.

We are aware of the limitations of survey data about reasons for non-voting. Individuals may not know or disclose their own true reasons. And some of the answers are ambiguous. For example, if you say that you were “too busy,” does that mean that you absolutely could not get to the polls or that voting was a relatively low priority for you? (Would motivating you make any difference, or not?)

Still, this graph suggests that the obstacles to voting are quite different for current college students and for their more numerous contemporaries who are not in college.