Mill’s question: If you achieved justice, would you be happy?

In a bout of deep depression, the young John Stewart Mill asked himself:

“Suppose that all your objects in life were realized; that all the changes in institutions and opinions which you are looking forward to, could be completely effected at this very instant: would this be a great joy and happiness to you?” And an irrepressible self-consciousness distinctly answered, “No!” At this my heart sank within me: the whole foundation on which my life was constructed fell down. All my happiness was to have been found in the continual pursuit of this end. The end had ceased to charm, and how could there ever again be any interest in the means? I seemed to have nothing left to live for.

When, as a teenager, I first read Mill’s Autobiography, I jumped to a reductive interpretation. Mill had been overwhelmingly influenced by his father; he began to doubt his father’s doctrines; at the same time, he became depressed; and he recovered as soon as his father died. Even premonitions of the elder Mill’s death cheered him:

I frequently asked myself, if I could, or if I was bound to go on living,  … . I generally answered to myself, that I did not think I could possibly bear it beyond a year. When, however, not more than half that duration of time had elapsed, a small ray of light broke in upon my gloom. I was reading, accidentally, Marmontel’s “Memoires,” and came to the passage which relates his father’s death …. A vivid conception of the scene and its feelings came over me, and I was moved to tears. From this moment my burden grew lighter. The oppression of the thought that all feeling was dead within me, was gone. I was no longer hopeless: I was not a stock or a stone …

This all struck me (at age 18) as amusingly Oedipal. But now I think that Mill didn’t just hate his Dad; he was reaching a crucial insight about the importance of the inner life for politics, and vice-versa.

Mill was the son of a political theorist who gave him an influential position as an administrator of British India. Thus he had “what might truly be called an object in life; to be a reformer of the world. My conception of my own happiness was entirely identified with this object.”

Although not comparable to Mill in intellect or influence, I too have devoted most of my work life to political engagement. Like him, I am grateful that I’ve been able to think theoretically while wrestling with practical issues in real institutions. Mill recalls that “the opportunity which my official position gave me of learning by personal observation the necessary conditions of the practical conduct of public affairs has been of considerable value to me as a theoretical reformer of the opinions and institutions of my time.”

But his crisis emerged when he realized that, even if we could perfect the rules, institutions, and distribution of goods and powers of a society, we would achieve nothing unless people also knew how to be happy and free. (More on that here.) To tie your own happiness to the building of a just system would be ethical (in a self-sacrificial sort of way), but only if other people could benefit inwardly from the justice of the society you helped build. Otherwise, it would be a pointless exercise. Indeed, it might be just as helpful to develop and share ways of being happy and/or free. Mill says,

the important change which my opinions at this time underwent, was that I, for the first time, gave its proper place, among the prime necessities of human well-being, to the internal culture of the individual. I ceased to attach almost exclusive importance to the ordering of outward circumstances. …

For what it’s worth, I am also increasingly interested in “the internal culture of the individual.” Most interesting to me is how we should think and feel as individuals if we also take action on public matters under highly imperfect conditions. What kind of happiness can that sort of work afford? And what kind of happiness is appropriate if our political work has little success?

the New Hampshire youth vote

(En route from DC to Boston) in lieu of a substantive post today, I’m just going to link to CIRCLE’s New Hampshire youth vote analysis. Exclusive from CIRCLE is an estimate that youth turnout was 15% in the primary. That’s not too great (as the following chart shows), but one reason is surely the lack of a contested Democratic primary. Missing a whole party will always lower turnout–and young voters lean Democratic in states like New Hampshire.

Republicans have opportunities with young people and should aim to attract more of them than John McCain did in ’08–but they are starting far behind. Ron Paul continues to attract substantial youth support, but it may not translate to the eventual Republican nominee; besides, his numbers in Iowa and New Hampshire are far behind Obama’s in 2008. In fact, Obama got nearly as many young votes in ’08 as the whole Republican field received yesterday.

suddenly, everyone is talking about civic education

(Washington, DC) Yesterday, I and others spoke at the Brookings Institution on “Teaching America: The Case for Civic Education.” (Summary and audio here.) Today, the White House will host a conference entitled “For Democracy’s Future: Education Reclaims Our Civic Mission.” At that event, Secretary Duncan will speak “on connecting college, career and citizenship,” and a report will be released entitled “A Crucible Moment: College Learning & Democracy’s Future.” The White House conference can be viewed live at www.whitehouse.gov/live.

Here’s my current “elevator speech” about civics:

Many people bemoan the poor state of students’ knowledge of the US Constitution and political system and call for course requirements and tests. That’s what “strengthening civics” means to them.

But students actually don’t do badly on basic questions related to the Constitution and the US political system–probably because almost all of them are already required to study those topics, and many face high-stakes tests. (I am in Washington to help plan the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in civics, and my colleagues who are middle-school teachers are confident that their 8th graders know all about Marbury v Madison, Brown v Board, and Tinker v US–although maybe not New York Times v. Sullivan.)

In any case, CIRCLE has found no impact of course requirements or mandatory tests on what students know about the constitution and the US political system. So demanding more courses and tests is beside the point. The real problem is that kids don’t learn how to deliberate with people who disagree with them and then plan responsible, productive, collaborative voluntary action on current civic issues. Deliberation used to be taught in the prevalent course known as “Problems of Democracy,” but the “Problems” course was cut in most states after 1970. (Congratulations to Hawaii for putting it back recently, under the name “Participating in Democracy.”)

To put deliberation-plus-civic-action back in the curriculum would be tough. It would require standards focused more on deliberative skills and civic engagement than on abstract political science. States would have to change course requirements to encourage classes that involve moderated discussions of current events and civic activities. Individual, paper-and-pencil tests would have to be replaced by assessments of how students talk and work in groups. (Computer simulations are promising for that purpose.) Finally, teachers would need opportunities to learn how to moderate deliberations and think about civic action.

In one sense, adding a single new course seems like no big deal. But it would require substantial shifts in policies and resources and a new understanding of what’s important about citizenship.

my ninth blogaversary

(Washington, DC) I started blogging on Jan. 9, 2003 and have since published 2,176 posts, almost one per workday. Every year on my blogaversary, I reflect on the year’s blogging. In 2011, the biggest change was a shift to WordPress, which allowed me to accept comments again and to embed Facebook and Twitter buttons. (I find I have a Pavlovian reaction to “likes” and Tweets.)

My favorite posts on my own blog this year  included:

I also posted more frequently on other blogs in 2011, including: “If You Want Citizens to Trust Government, Empower Them to Govern” (on the Democratic Strategist blog), “Young, Black, and Voting” (on the Root), and four entries on HuffingtonPost.

youth voting update

(Atlanta) While I am here for meetings on state standards, CIRCLE has been churning out press releases related to youth voting in the primaries and caucuses (and getting a fair amount of coverage). Notwithstanding my recent critique of horse-race campaign coverage, we do try to provide solid and timely information about young voters–to set the record straight and to help young people draw attention that may translate into political importance.

So far, I think these are some of the highlights:

Youth turnout in Iowa was just 4%, but that’s rather typical of the Caucuses. The outlier year was 2008. It helped that youth could vote in either the Democratic or Republican Caucuses in ’08, but Barack Obama’s 30,000+ young voters pushed it to record-setting heights.

This year, although not a huge number of young Iowans participated, they concentrated their votes for Ron Paul (who drew 48%: far more than anyone else), thereby affecting the result. If you subtracted Paul’s roughly 8,800 young voters from his total, he’d have fallen behind Newt Gingrich there.

Some people have been analogizing the Ron Paul youth phenomenon of 2012 to the Obama surge of 2008, but it’s important to recognize that Obama drew 3-4 times as many young voters.

In New Hampshire, we show that youth voting and engagement are normally high, making young voters a potentially important part of that primary as well. In ’08, their preferred candidate (Barack Obama) lost, but youth turnout was very strong. It’s not clear whom they will support next Tuesday–or, indeed, whether New Hampshire will be interesting, since some polls are predicting a Romney blowout.

Even though I disparage prognostication, I tend to think that this year’s primary season is basically over, with the apparent “race” between Romney and his opponents now a bit of a ritual rather than a suspense-inducing choice. But the earlier stages of the Republican race were full of surprises, so who knows?