all that matters is equanimity, community, and truth

I’ve come to think that the necessary and sufficient conditions of a good life are equanimity, community, and truth.

Equanimity means a good inner life, marked by something like happiness, satisfaction, or peace. Unless individuals achieve satisfactory inner lives, even a perfectly just society is a nightmare.

Community encompasses all valuable relationships among living things, from the baby on her parent’s lap to a fair and efficient economic order that integrates all seven billion people and does justice to the animals, as well. Love and justice are two of the virtues that turn relationships into communities.

By truth, I primarily mean knowledge about the way things actually are–empirical knowledge–because I would assign knowledge about the good to the other two domains.

These three principles are necessary because, unfortunately, they are not perfectly compatible. If they were harmonious, we could perhaps reduce the list to a single underlying principle. But alas, truth can make equanimity and community harder. Relating well to others can undermine internal peace. Valuable relationships sometimes depend on fictions. These and other tensions among the three principles partly explain why it is so hard and rare to achieve a good life.

The three principles are sufficient because other good things are only good insofar as they benefit the three. For example, beauty is probably necessary for a rich and satisfying inner life; good communities possess and produce certain kinds of beauty; and the truth is sometimes beautiful. But beauty can also be false, unjust, or distressing. Insofar as beauty does not support truth, community, or equanimity, its pursuit is no part of a good life.

How do I reach these conclusions? Not by way of arguments from first principles. Arguments are made within the three domains, not in favor of them. For instance, all large societies need the rule of law and individual rights, among other things. That is the kind of conclusion that can be grounded in evidence and reasons–but one must assume that it matters whether communities are good, in the first place. If you deny that justice toward others has any relevance to you, no argument can prove that it should. (Here I draw on Bernard Williams’ Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy.)

The same is true of truth. Nietzsche liked to demonstrate that the pursuit of truth was a choice. If one makes that choice, the scientific method commends itself. If not, there is no argument for the scientific method. Finally, reasoning about how to achieve equanimity is fruitful, but there is no argument for seeking it in the first place.

Despite the lack of arguments for the three principles, all three tend to emerge in rich and mature traditions, from ancient India to the Hellenistic Mediterranean to modern Europe and many other places, even when someone tries to deny one of the three. For example:

Classical utilitarians defined the goal of life as pleasure and argued that a society could maximize the pleasure of its members by getting its markets and laws right. In other words, they dispensed with equanimity and relied only on community and truth. But the young John Stewart Mill blamed his depression on that oversight and developed a richer account of utilitarianism in which equanimity regained its independent standing and was no longer a mere consequence of community.

Certain anarchists and libertarians, such as Ayn Rand, have denied the virtues of community. But I once heard the libertarian philosopher Loren Lomasky compare libertarians who ingest Rand to snakes who eat pineapples. Rand takes a while to pass through the system, and you are better off when she is gone. A more sophisticated libertarian, such as Friedrich von Hayek, begins by recognizing that people are social animals, intrinsically connected to one another and needing strong ties for happiness and welfare. Hayek simply criticizes the state as a buttress of community, arguing that governments lack adequate information and trustworthiness to make beneficial decisions. In other words, community returns to libertarianism once one reflects more maturely.

The post-structuralist generation in France raised serious questions about truth. But I doubt that authors who mainly debunked truth (like Derrida and Baudrillard) will last. What will continue to matter is Foucault’s long and hard struggle for truth. To be sure, Foucault asked whether truth was always just a function of power, and thus made science and reason seem more problematic than they had seemed before. Yet his intellectual biography shows a constant pursuit of truth; that was the impetus for his skeptical questions in the first place. The world was obdurate for Foucault; he would not simply ignore it. The virtue he defended in his late (1983) lectures was parrhesia, speaking truth in the face of danger–in other words, truth that upsets equanimity.

The constant return of three principles (even when smart people try to dispense with them) suggests that they are deeply rooted in human experience. Yet it is wishful thinking to believe that they coexist easily. Our struggle is to pursue all three.

speaking at the National Conference on Citizenship

I’ll be live shortly at the National Conference on Citizenship in Philadelphia. Along with federal reserve governor Sarah Bloom Raskin and others, I will be discussing the relationship between civic life and unemployment. Our new researchindicates that civic health helps lower unemployment. You can watch the entire event live and you can participate in the conversation online by using #NCOC.

civic engagement strengthens employment: the case builds

(Philadelphia) The National Conference on Citizenship (NCoC), which is about to meet in this city, has just released Civic Health and Unemployment II: The Case Builds. Written by Kei Kawashima-Ginsberg, Chaeyoon Lim, and me, this is a more extensive and ambitious follow-up to the report entitled Civic Health and Unemployment: Can Engagement Strengthen the Economy? which NCoC, CIRCLE, Civic Enterprises, the Saguaro Seminar at Harvard University, and the National Constitution Center produced in 2011.

In 2011, we found that states and large metropolitan areas with high levels of civic engagement prior to the Great Recession suffered less unemployment between 2006 and 2010. The relationship between civic health and economic resilience held even when we adjusted for the economic factors that are usually thought to influence unemployment, such as demographics and changes in housing prices.

To be sure, civic engagement is not the only factor that matters. Las Vegas lost jobs because of the collapse of the housing market; Detroit, because of changes in the auto market. But, given two states with similar economic conditions, the one with more civic engagement would weather the recession better.

Since 2011, in partnership with the NCoC, and with support from the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, CIRCLE has continued to investigate this topic. For the 2012 report, we investigated the relationship between civic health and unemployment in all 50 states, 942 metro areas, and more than 3,100 counties. We added new statistical controls (alternative explanations of unemployment change) to the model, analyzed a Census Current Population survey that follows individuals over time, and incorporated the results of the Knight Foundation’s Soul of the Community Survey, which investigated a wider range of opinions and attitudes than are measured in federal surveys.

The basic pattern found in the 2011 report held up: communities with more civic engagement in 2006 suffered less from unemployment in the Great Recession, even when other possible explanations are factored in.

The new analysis also directed attention to two particular aspects of civic engagement: (1) the number and type of nonprofit organizations per capita and (2) the effects of social cohesion (informal socializing and collaboration among peers). Both independently predict the degree to which communities avoided unemployment.  As an example of a finding in the report, consider this graph:

In 2006, states that had a high degree of social connectedness had very similar unemployment rates to states with low social connectedness. But by 2010, the two groups of states had diverged, so that the highly connected states had two percentage points less unemployment.

More, including some discussion of possible causal mechanisms, in this summary on the CIRCLE site.

Rebecca, Woman of Africa

Here, in a thick wood of scrub pine, blackberry, ivy, goldenrod, and crumbling stone walls, at the very edge of America, where “you hear the grating roar / Of pebbles which the waves draw back, and fling,” is a plaque on which hikers pile stones and sea glass, as on the tomb of a Jewish sage or martyr. The plaque reads:

REBECCA WOMAN OF AFRICA

Born in Africa and enslaved in Chilmark, she married Elisha Amos, a Wampanoag man. She was the mother of Nancy Michael. Rebecca died a free woman in this place in 1801.

We come here very often, and I like to think of Rebecca and Amos clinging together on windy nights, whispering their true names, saying, “Ah, love, let us be true / To one another!,” safe at the tip of the continent, on a spot that nobody else wanted but the gulls and the cormorants.

how to teach Sept. 11

My post for the day is over at CNN. It’s entitled “My View: How schools should handle 9/11 in class,” and it begins:

I can vividly remember September 11, 2001, but today’s fifth-graders were not even born on that day. For them, September 11 is history and often, a topic in their history class. Most teachers use best-selling civics and American history textbooks that describe the attacks on New York and Washington. And as of last fall, 21 states specifically mentioned 9/11 in their social studies standards.

Those are results from a scan of state laws and textbooks conducted by William & Mary professor Jeremy Stoddard and University of Wisconsin-Madison professor Diana Hess. My organization, CIRCLE, published its study last year.  The authors tell me that not much has changed since then.

When we released the study, many readers expressed dismay that September 11 was mentioned in less than half of the states’ standards – as if that meant that policymakers and educators did not care enough about terrorism. When lawmakers are concerned about any topic, they are often tempted to add it to the state’s social studies standards. The Illinois Legislature, for instance, has passed bills requiring or encouraging social studies teachers to spend time on Leif Erickson, the Irish Potato Famine and the importance of trees and birds. So why not mandate teaching 9/11?

[…]

The most important back-to-school question about September 11 is not whether to require it in standards, but how to address it if teachers decide to discuss it at all. …