Category Archives: advocating civic education

soft skills for the 21st century workplace: empowered teamwork or emotional labor?

In the New Republic, Timothy Noah describes how the restaurant chain Pret a Manger forces its workers to be cheerful:

Pret keeps its sales clerks in a state of enforced rapture through policies vaguely reminiscent of the old East German Stasi. A “mystery shopper” visits every Pret outlet once a week. If the employee who rings up the sale is appropriately ebullient, then everyone in the shop gets a bonus. If not, nobody does. This system turns peers into enthusiasm cops, further constricting any space for a reserved and private self.

Noah cites Arlie Hochschild’s notion of “emotional labor.” Whereas factory owners merely purchase their workers’ labor, managers of nursing homes, boutiques, and even fast-food franchises now buy their employees’ moods and attitudes. This is a creepy idea, easily bringing to mind the Stasi. In fact, the East German secret police probably tolerated a certain amount of grouchiness that would get you fired at Pret a Manger.

Meanwhile, we read that 21st century employers need more advanced and challenging interpersonal skills than factory-owners once required. Today’s employees work in diverse groups to analyze problems and invent original solutions. They are no longer assigned to durable and hierarchical teams, but navigate and build shifting networks. This may be stressful, but it is also empowering and challenging. During work-hours, the traditional firm was a dictatorship, but the post-industrial workplace is more democratic–even a “directly deliberative polyarchy” in the words of Michael C. Dorf and Charles F. Sabel.

Which is the more pervasive trend? There is evidence that “soft skills,” “interpersonal skills,” or “people skills” are worth more now, and hard skills are worth less. The boss can teach you the latest hardware and software on the job, but good employees must be able to work together. Thus Borghans et al. (2006) find that the labor-market value of “people skills” has increased rapidly in Britain, Germany and the US since 1970. Their measures of “people skills” include, for example, a preference for work that requires contact with people and a “preference for working for the presumed good of people.”

The tricky part is that these “people skills” include capabilities that are part of a good and rewarding life (such as deliberating about goals, or genuinely caring for other people) as well as creepy invasions of private life (such as always smiling at clients and coworkers).

If employers want the former, then work skills converge with democratic or civic skills. Education can become empowering and experiential; we can teach children to be ethical problem-solvers in all aspects of their lives. But if employers want workers to perform Hoschschild’s “emotional labor” (cheering up their clients or patients by always displaying a sunny attitude), then work skills sharply diverge from civic skills. Then education becomes a matter of disciplining kids to be “positive,” and the boss can grab a bigger part of your soul.

By the way, it’s not so easy to tell when it’s bad for workers to display positive attitudes. Noah writes, “Emotional labor is not itself new. Prostitutes have faked orgasms for millennia. With greater sincerity (one hopes), undertakers calm the grieving, nurses comfort the sick, and migrant nannies lavish on other people’s children the love they aren’t present to furnish back home.” He argues that what is different about Pret a Manger is the absence of valid emotional needs in a fast-food restaurant. “The only imperatives typically addressed in a Pret shop are hunger and thirst. Why must the person who sells me a cheddar and tomato sandwich have ‘presence’ and ‘create a sense of fun?”

I don’t think that’s how to draw the distinction between acceptable and creepy forms of “emotional labor.” People seem to want smiles along with their sandwiches. Why is that desire illegitimate when it’s fine to prefer a sympathetic undertaker? We used to prefer the jolly grocer or miller to the grouchy one, and for similar reasons, we may like to shop at Pret more than McDonalds because of the smiles. In my view, the important question is the underlying power dynamic. If you own your own funeral home and you adopt a posture of sympathy toward your grieving clients, that’s both commendable behavior and good for business. If you’re a famous actor and you feign joy or love, that deserves applause. But if you work for a hospital, a nanny service, a pimp, or an upscale sandwich chain and you have to act cheerful to keep your job, that represents a loss of freedom.

I’ll end with the implications for education, although education is certainly not the only tool we can use to address the problems of 21st century work. Schools should not just teach people to be good employees; instead, they should develop those interpersonal skills that are both intrinsically worthy and valuable in the marketplace. Let employers figure out what to do if their workers have “bad attitudes.” The job of schools is to make people free, although in ways that are compatible with their earning a living. In other words, there is an overlap between what 21st century employers want and what good educators should teach, but their objectives are not identical.

See: Borghans, L., ter Weel, B., & Weinberg, B. A. “People people: Social capital and the labor-market outcomes of underrepresented groups (2006); Dorf, M.C. and Sabel, C.F. “A Constitution of Democratic Experimentalism,” Columbia Law Review, vol. 98, no. 2 (March 1998);  Hochschild, A.R., The Managed heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling, 20th anniversary edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).

the Cesar Chavez Public Charter Schools for Public Policy

(Washington, DC) Today, I will be meeting with students and staff of the Chavez Schools in DC. This blog shows that I have visited before–in February and April 2003. The Chavez network has since grown to four schools and 1,300 students. Its founder, Irasema Salcido, not only wanted to provide an excellent education for DC students by engaging them in the critical study of public policy; she also wanted to improve DC’s governance by developing a new generation of mostly minority leaders who had the skills and motivations to run the city. It was an inspiring vision from the start, and the early outcomes were impressive. I look forward to catching up.

See also my posts on Charter Schools and Democracy, The Argument for Small Schools, and Illumination from the Charter Debate–and especially a great series of case studies and policy briefs on “teaching citizenship in charter schools,” from the AEI Program in American Citizenship.

The Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge (update)

Today I am traveling from Boston to DC to speak and then on to Atlanta for the American Association of Colleges & Universities meeting. In DC, I will present some information about youth political participation. CIRCLE is busy collecting and assembling data for the Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge that we have formed. The Commission will deliberate and come up with its own conclusions, but some basic premises are already clear.

First, with support from the S.D. Bechtel, Jr. Foundation, we have collected and coded all state laws and policies relevant to civic education. Most states have civics requirements, but I would say that none has a system of assessment that supports and encourages good teaching. The few states that have high-stakes civics tests rely almost exclusively on multiple-choice questions about facts.

Then, during the election, we conducted two waves of a national Knowledge Networks youth survey that tracked young people’s opinions on issues and their degree of engagement with the campaign. Perhaps the most salient finding for the Commission is that most young people did not know the pertinent election laws in their own states. This is a summary of the poll.

On the day after the election, we calculated youth turnout (50%) and followed that with some additional analysis of the available turnout statistics. These CIRCLE posts summarize some interesting headlines:

We also tried a very quick-and-dirty method for investigating the relationships between state laws and turnout . We looked at whether states that had changed their civic education policies or voting laws also saw changes in youth turnout. There were no real signs of a relationship, which points to some interesting challenges that I will return to below. (See our quick analysis of state voting laws and state education laws.)

Starting immediately after the election, with funds from the Spencer Foundation, we surveyed 4,483 young Americans, ages 18-24, with large African American and Latino oversamples and a minimum of 75 respondents in each state. This was a random-digit telephone survey, reaching cell phones and landlines and conducted in Spanish or English.

We will use the results to build a multivariate model in which state policies, state political factors, young people’s demographics and backgrounds, and their civic experiences (both in and out of school) are used to predict their turnout and their knowledge of politics.

We already know from our initial analysis that both knowledge and voting are strongly correlated with whether individuals recall civic education experiences that we would define as “high quality.” That correlation is not adjusted (yet) for other factors, such as socioeconomic advantage or community-level differences. It is well known that advantaged students receive better civic education, so the apparent impact of civics may diminish once we incorporate controls. Nevertheless, we thought the correlations were noteworthy. At the least, we know that students who become active citizens typically have experienced better-than-average civic education in school.

Additional research for the Commission includes a literature review (already released), a planned national survey of civics/government teachers, and interviews with stakeholders that will be conducted “on the record” so that they can inform the final report.

Speaking just for myself (and welcoming debate), I would hypothesize that high-quality civic education and being contacted by political campaigns and movements both boost young people’s knowledge and engagement to a meaningful extent. However, existing state laws related to civic education and voting do not seem to affect the rate at which these positive experiences occur, at least not to an impressive degree. It is possible that deeper analysis will reveal important differences in current state laws and policies. But it is also possible that existing state laws don’t vary enough or are all too poorly designed to provide models that deserve to be replicated. If no existing state laws are impressive, we may need to think about other levers (not just state laws) and about research-based proposals for entirely new laws and policies.

what did young voters know and understand in 2012?

Many people assume that young adults are not prepared to vote knowledgeably. Only 24% of 12th graders scored at the “proficient” level on the most recent National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in civics. But, as CIRCLE explains in a new fact sheet (one of two that we released today), the NAEP Civics assessment only measures certain kinds of knowledge, and its definition of “proficient” is open to debate. The proficiency level looks like a precise statistical finding but is actually a value judgment.

Therefore, starting on the day after the 2012 Election, we surveyed 4,483 young Americans (ages 18-24), including oversamples of African American and Latino youth. We asked the entire sample whether they had voted (and for whom) and posed some general factual questions about the US political system.

We also asked respondents to choose one issue of particular interest to them. They were then asked to express their own opinion on this issue and to answer two factual questions about where President Obama and Governor Romney stood on the issue. Detailed information is here, but these are some major findings:

  • On some topics, young people were informed. More than three in four young voters could correctly answer at least one out of two factual questions about the candidates’ position on a campaign issue that they had chosen as important. And on many questions about the structure of the US government, they performed as well or better than older adults who have been asked similar questions in other polls.
  • On other topics, most young people were misinformed. For instance, a majority (51.2%) believed that the federal government spends more on foreign aid than on Social Security, when in fact Social Security costs about 20 times more. But again, older adults have also been found to be widely misinformed on the same topics.
  • About one quarter of young voters were poorly informed about the campaign’s issues, and young people who did not vote were generally uninformed.
  • Young people who recalled that they had received high-quality civic education in schools were more likely to vote, to form political opinions, to know campaign issues, and to know general facts about the US political system.That does not mean that civics causes higher turnout and more knowledge, because students who experience better civics may also have other advantages in their schools and communities. But the correlations are very strong and at least demonstrate that active and informed citizens tend to be people who had good civic education. Civics education was not related to partisanship or choice of candidate, and that may allay concerns that civics affects young people’s ideologies.
  • The level of misinformation was almost identical among young Romney supporters and young Obama supporters. But many more Romney voters held positions on issues that they knew contradicted the candidate’s positions. More than one quarter of Romney supporters chose the liberal position on the issue that they considered very important for the country. Even though Romney was defeated among 18-24s by 54.7%-28.1%, according to our poll, he got some of his votes despite his stance on issues.

The survey was funded by the Spencer Foundation, and the accompanying fact sheet was funded by the S.D. Bechtel, Jr. Foundation. Both foundations, along with the W.T. Grant Foundation and the Chicago Community Trust, are supporting CIRCLE’s Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge, which will consider the data released today as well as other research on the 2012 election in developing its recommendations for how to enhance young people’s informed voting.

(Most of this post is cross-posted from CIRCLE’s site).

CIRCLE’s finds iCivics boosts writing skills

Today, CIRCLE released the results of a randomized experiment using a computer-based teaching module called Drafting Board, from the nonprofit organization iCivics. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor founded iCivics to improve civic education through video games and related products.

Drafting Board is not exactly a game; it’s a computer-based lesson that takes students through the steps of writing an argumentative essay. It includes tools like the Issue Analyzer, the Claim Creator, and the Critic Crusher.

We conducted a study in urban Florida schools, involving 3,700 students. About half were randomly assigned to use Drafting Board; the rest used their regular curricula. Afterwards, every student hand-wrote an additional argumentative essay in the form of a letter to their school newspaper regarding a hypothetical proposal to lengthen the school year. Graduate students at Tufts graded all the papers, blind to whether the students had used Drafting Board or not. Those who had used it scored considerably better on the essays, despite the fact that they had used Drafting Board for only 2-3 sessions, and even though the students in the treatment group happened to be less advantaged than those in the control group.

I consider this study a double win for civic education. First, it establishes the quality of an iCivics’ product, and iCivics is a valuable player in the field. Second, the outcome–writing a persuasive essay on a policy issue–is itself a civic achievement.

Please see please see Kei Kawashima-Ginsberg, “Summary of Findings from the Evaluation of iCivics’ Drafting Board Intervention,” CIRCLE Working Paper #76 (2012).