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on respecting and challenging community norms

Here is a passage from We make the Road by Walking, a dialogue between the American civil rights leader Myles Horton (who founded the Highlander Folk School) and the Brazilian popular educator Paulo Freire. We talked about it today in the Summer Institute of Civic Studies as we discussed when power operates in a hidden way (by affecting people’s beliefs); when intervention is appropriate and helpful; what is “education” versus indoctrination or leadership; and related questions.

Myles [Horton]: We had to find ways to handle our own “weakness of culture.” One of the real problems in the South in the early days of Highlander was segregation, discrimination against people of color, legally and traditionally. One of our principles is that we believe in social equality for all people and no discrimination for any reason—religious, race, sex, or anything else. The social customs were to have segregation. Now how did we deal with that social custom? The way that was used by most people working in what then was called race relations was to talk about it and pray over it and wait for magic changes, I suppose. Some dealt with segregation by having segregated programs, and educating Blacks here and whites there, like it was traditional to do. We chose to deal with it directly, knowing that a discussion and analysis wouldn’t change their minds.

We decided to hold integrated workshops and say nothing about it. We found that if you didn’t talk about it, if you didn’t force people to admit that they were wrong—that’s what you do when you debate and argue with people—you can do it. People didn’t quite understand how it was happening. They just suddenly realized they were eating together and sleeping in the same rooms, and since they were used to doing what they were supposed to do in society, the status quo, they didn’t know how to react negatively to our status quo. We had another status quo at Highlander, so as long as we didn’t talk about it, it was very very little problem. Then later on, participants started talking about it from another point of view, a point of view of experience. They had experienced something new, so they had something positive to build on. When we started talking about it, it wasn’t to say: “Now, look you’ve changed. We were right and you were wrong.” We said: “Now you’ve had an experience here. When you get back you’ll be dealing with people in your unions who haven’t had this experience, and they’re going to know you’ve been to an integrated school. How are you going to explain it to them?” So they started, not ever talking about how they had changed or how they had faced this problem, but with how they could explain to other people. We just skipped the stage of discussion. Of course, it was going on inside all the time, but we didn’t want to put it in terms of an argument or a debate.

One aspect of the writing that fascinates me is the changing definition of “we.” First Horton, a white Southerner, chooses to describe racial segregation as a problem of the community to which he belongs–“our own weakness of culture.” But then the “we” becomes the Highlander Folk School: “our principle … is social equality for all people and no discrimination.” Later, “we” becomes the people who have experienced Highlander’s integrated meetings and will go back to their segregated communities. Even if you assume that “we” should not intervene to change “them,” who counts as “we” is usually open to change.

Another important theme is the avoidance of explicit argumentation. Horton thinks that to argue against segregation would be … what? Merely counter-productive in the particular situation? Poor pedagogy? Or unethical, because it would fail to respect the people who come to Highlander?

CIRCLE in the news

Here is a roundup of some recent news articles citing CIRCLE:

In an article about voter ID requirements, CIRCLE’s Abby Kiesa says, “‘There’s a huge gap in the research right now’ concerning how many college students lack the proper identification to register to vote … But, she wrote in an e-mail, ‘regardless of the effects of voter-ID laws on turnout, we think that more youth participating is better, and putting obstacles in the way of this is unconscionable.'” (Molly Redden, “As 2012 Elections Loom, Partisans on Both Sides Argue the Effect of Voter-ID Laws on Students,” Chronicle of Higher Education, 7/11)

Emily Schultheis writes in Politico, “Engagement with other users is one of the main ways candidates can distinguish themselves on Twitter, experts say. ‘Certainly, what you’d be aiming for if you’re a politician … is not that [voters] are just following you but reprocessing your material,’ said Peter Levine, director of the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University” (“New Gingrich Miles Ahead in Twitter Primary,” 7/12).

Katie Banks (Medill News Service) covers campaigns by young politicians and cites CIRCLE data on youth turnout: “Tomorrow’s Leaders Here Today: Young Adults Making Waves by Challenging Older Incumbents,” Austin Weekly News, 6/29

CIRCLE’s Peter Levine tells The Hill newspaper, “the GOP primary might not be too helpful to the Republican Party, as primaries typically draw low youth turnout. ‘To the extent that the primaries are dominated by strong conservative candidates and issues, the Republicans will tend to alienate independent young voters who are following the news,’ Levine wrote in an email. ‘It will be hard to recover with them in the general election.’ …

“Levine agreed that in 2008, college voters were particularly important because they overwhelmingly favored Obama. Yet this year, Levine wrote, the magnitude of their impact ‘depends on whether the president is able to mobilize his “base” again, and also whether Republicans are able to make some inroads with young voters. In 2008, Republicans performed extraordinarily badly with the college vote, but they have plenty of room to improve.’

“Much of college students’ roles in the 2012 election will depend on the Republican nominee, Levine said.

“Since 2004, young people have become heavily Democratic,” he wrote. “The question now is whether they will be a lasting part of the Democratic coalition, or whether the Republicans will put them back into play somehow.” (Becki Steinberg, “College 2012, “ The Hill, 7/11)

the Summer Institute of Civic Studies

Today is the beginning of the third annual Institute of Civic Studies at Tufts University’s Tisch College of Citizenship. For the next two weeks, I will be meeting daily from 10 am-6 pm with a group of 20 people who include young faculty and graduate students as well as experienced practitioners, such as the city manager of a Midwestern city and the executive director of a service corps. The participants represent the disciplines of divinity, education, engineering, human development, philosophy, policy, political science, planning, and public administration.

The focus is not on how to educate people for citizenship, but rather what “citizenship” ought to mean and how (in general) to promote it. Our concern is less with who counts as a citizen than with what citizens should do. My co-organizer, Prof. Karol Soltan, and I are motivated by the goal of building a new discipline of civic studies, aligned with the principles in this “manifesto.”

The institute will segue into the third annual Conference on Civic Studies and Civic Practices (Ju;y 21-23), which has attracted more than 120 registrants from several countries. Space at that conference is now severely limited but you could still apply to attend.

The Summer Institute is, I feel, education at its best. We charge no tuition and offer no grades or credits. Participants attend for sheer love of the topic and have, in past years, formed strong intellectual communities.

Because my facilitation duties will be pretty intense, I anticipate blogging less than daily between now and July 25. Some of my posts may be revisions of previous entries about our institute’s readings and authors.

African American youth civic engagement

I am at the Open Society Foundation in Washington, DC for a convening on Black Youth Civic Engagement, which has drawn many of the leading experts and activists on African American young people and politics. The CIRCLE PowerPoint that I presented provides an overview of this issue from our perspective:

African American Youth Civic Engagement

Here is a sample graph from the presentation, showing that African American young people set the all-time record for youth turnout by any racial or ethnic group in 2008:

It’s important to note that the trend was already up in 2004, so the high turnout was not just an Obama effect.

Fourth of July

Between white picket fences, the cobbled sidewalks are packed with people in crazy hats, waving the Stars and Stripes. A Land Rover carries the officers of the Edgartown Yacht Club, gold buttons on their navy coats and hats. A colonial marching band stomps by, and then the Irish and the Scots in their contrasting kilts. Martha’s Vineyard’s Returning Peace Corps Volunteers get a special welcome for their service; they are gray-haired, athletic, waving the flags of their host countries from decades past. The Peace Council’s float reminds us that war is not the answer. A rat, taller than the ante-bellum houses, passes on a truck, advertising pest control. The residents of a group home are pushed past in wheelchairs, faces painted as clowns, looking shocked to me. Fire trucks, one for each town. Then my own kid on the back of a truck, throwing candy.

Later, the beach. First a natural display in the west, the vast disk slipping out of sight beneath thick strokes of yellow, orange, and crimson, while the placid ocean seems like gel lit from within, lapping the sand. Anything else would be anticlimactic, but as the sky darkens, the anticlimax comes: first, illegal bottle-rockets popping overhead, then the professional show in Edgartown and a matching one to the left in Oak Bluffs. From the invisible shore opposite, little smokey puffs and starbursts just above the horizon: Cape Cod saluting the Vineyard.

(I had a much more cynical take on a Memorial Day parade in 2010.)