Author Archives: Peter

About Peter

Associate Dean for Faculty and the Lincoln Filene Professor of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Tufts University's Tisch College of Civic Life. Concerned about civic education, civic engagement, and democratic reform in the United States and elsewhere.

a vivid sense of the future

My conception of the relatively distant future is almost empty. How things will be in 20 years, or 50–I have no idea. I am not motivated or inspired by any such vision.

Walter Benjamin would not approve. He concludes his “Theses on the Philosophy of History” with these words:

We know that the Jews were prohibited from investigating the future. The Torah and the prayers instruct them in remembrance, however. This stripped the future of its magic, to which all those succumb who turn to the soothsayers for enlightenment. This does not imply, however, that for the Jews the future turned into homogeneous, empty time. For every second of time was the strait gate through which Messiah might enter.

According to Benjamin, history was not linear for the ancient Hebrews. Studying the past revealed a future that could suddenly appear in the present. For them, the future was not empty. Nor were they like “soothsayers” who make predictions by studying current trends–like today’s pundits who project a magical, technological future based on what they observe today. The future for the ancient Jews was something radically different from the present yet foretold by the past, if you read it right.

Benjamin is thinking of the Hebrew prophets. For example, the Lord gives Amos a message to convey to the rich and powerful:

5:11Therefore because you trample on the poor
    and you exact taxes of grain from him,
you have built houses of hewn stone,
    but you shall not dwell in them;
you have planted pleasant vineyards,
    but you shall not drink their wine.
12 For I know how many are your transgressions
    and how great are your sins—
you who afflict the righteous, who take a bribe,
    and turn aside the needy in the gate.

A bit later, the Lord adds a hortatory or imperative sentence:

24 But let justice roll down like waters,
    and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream.

Such sentences from the Lord can have direct consequences, as in “God said, Let there be light: and there was light.” He then promises to shake the house of Israel, “as one shakes a sieve,” except that no pebble will make it through this shaking:

10 All the sinners of my people shall die by the sword,
    who say, ‘Disaster shall not overtake or meet us.’

This is not only a prediction (certain people will die) but also an instruction (stop denying your faults). Then comes a much more positive promise:

11 “In that day I will raise up
    the booth of David that is fallen
and repair its breaches,
    and raise up its ruins
    and rebuild it as in the days of old …

This is a vivid vision of the future–the text goes on for many verses describing it– brought into the present to serve a purpose. Amos’ prophesy is both a prediction and an exhortation. It chastises the wicked and comforts the oppressed.

Here is a quote from another text which–like the Hebrew Bible–impressed Walter Benjamin. It is Das Kapital (from the afterward of the second German edition)

With me [in contrast to Hegel], the ideal is nothing else than the material world reflected by the human mind, and translated into forms of thought. …

In its rational form [dialectics] is a scandal and abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors, because it includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it regards every historically developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.

Marx is saying, on the one hand, that he simply studies “the existing state of things.” As a hard-headed scientist, he knows that the world is material and governed by laws. However, his analysis also reveals the “negation of that state,” an infinitely better future. This makes his text “critical and revolutionary.”

Benjamin begins his “Theses” with the famous story of the Mechanical Turk, the 18th-century automaton that appeared to be a machine capable of winning at chess. Actually, there was a man inside who pulled the strings. Benjamin says, “One can imagine a philosophical counterpart to this device. The puppet called ‘historical materialism’ is to win all the time. It can easily be a match for anyone if it enlists the services of theology, which today, as we know, is wizened and has to keep out of sight.”

Marxism can be interpreted as historical materialism. As a rigid system, it is unfalsifiable–“it can win all the time.” It is also inert, because human agency isn’t needed to bring about the future. It works like a machine and assumes that history is mechanical. Benjamin suggests, however, that Marxism is really a religion–in a good way. Its power is prophesy. Like the Torah, it instructs people in remembrance, conjures a future into the present, and inspires us to act.

I take my own bearings neither from Amos nor from Marx, yet I appreciate Benjamin’s idea that historical time is not linear. By acting politically, we change the meaning of the past and bring an imagined future into the now (Benjamin’s Jetztzeit). When we lose the capacity to envision a radically better future, we abandon our agency to impersonal forces.

See also: Martin Luther King’s philosophy of time; Kieran Setiya on midlife: reviving philosophy as a way of life; nostalgia in the face of political crisis (posts about Benjamin)

priorities of liberals and conservatives

In 1993, 1994, 2010, and 2021, the General Social Survey asked representative samples of Americans to choose a “America’s highest priority, the most important thing it should do” from a list of four items: maintaining order in the nation, giving people more say in government decisions, fighting rising prices, or protecting freedom of speech.

I presume that these items were meant to test Ronald Inglehart’s “postmaterialism” thesis, the idea that once a society attains a high level of economic development, many voters become most concerned about non-economic issues. Inflation is a materialist concern, and the others are “post-materialist.”

Above, I show the responses to this question by political ideology (liberal, moderate, or conservative). I omit 1993 because it looks very similar to 1994. The GSS asks people to place themselves on a 7-point ideological scale, but I collapse that into three categories to increase the numbers in each cell.

You might imagine that conservatives would be more likely to want to maintain order. Compared to liberals, that was true in 1994 and 2010, but not in 2021, when conservatives were the least likely to choose “order” as their priority. Furthermore, moderates were the most committed to order in 1994, not conservatives.

In 1994 and 2010, conservatives and moderates were more committed than liberals to popular voice in government. Perhaps this was “The West Wing” era, when many liberals were content to be technocrats. In 2021 (while a liberal was president) liberals and moderates had become more committed to voice than conservatives were.

Freedom of speech has not divided liberals from conservatives during this period. About one third of both groups have chosen it as the top priority in each year.

Inflation polarized opinion in 2021, with 55% of conservatives and only 19% of liberals choosing it as the top issue. Inglehart’s framework would suggest that moderates were the most “materialist” group in 1994, but conservatives had become the “materialists” by 2021. But I doubt that this is the right framework for interpreting the 2021 results. I think that conservatives’ spike in concern about inflation was a verdict on the incumbent Biden Administration, not a deep shift in values.

See also: trusting experts or ordinary people; class inversion as an alternative to the polarization thesis; moving to the center is a metaphor, and maybe not a good one; recent changes in tolerance for controversial speakers

Summit on Civics in Higher Education

April 10 | Tufts University, Medford, MA

The Jonathan M. Tisch College of Civic Life at Tufts University and the Alliance for Civics in the Academy (ACA), with support from GBH, are proud to host a national summit on the state of civics in higher education.

The summit will convene practitioners, faculty, administrators, and students from across the United States to explore, discuss and compare models of civic practice in higher education.

Summit speakers and panelists will include Amy BinderMary ClarkMichael CluneDayna CunninghamAndrew DelbancoFonna FormanBryan GarstenLeslie GarvinCaroline Attardo GencoTetyana Hoggan-KloubertPeter LevineJessica Kimpell JohnsonJennifer Brick MurtazashviliJosiah OberMindy RomeroJenna Silber StoreyMarisol Morales, and more.

The summit will bring together three categories of university-based centers and programs—including diverse representatives from each—that are influential and widespread:

  1. Colleges or programs of Civic Thought or Civic Studies. These entities offer civic education courses within a liberal arts curriculum. At least 13 are new initiatives at public universities. They may also produce research and public programs related to civic life.
  2. Centers and initiatives that engage higher education with communities in part to enhance their students’ civic skills and knowledge. These initiatives have roots in the Land Grant tradition (including the HBCU Land Grants) and the “Wisconsin Idea,” and many are ambitious and innovative today.
  3. Democracy research centers and institutes based in universities that aim to improve democracy or civil society by generating research, tools, and events for the public.

Panel sessions will explore these three categories, while plenary discussion will compare them and provoke reflection on questions like these:

  • To what extent should college-level civic education be about reading and discussing texts?
  • To what extent should civic education be experiential, and which kinds of experiences are most valuable?
  • Should colleges and universities be embedded in and accountable to local communities, to states, to the nation, to transnational communities, and/or to the globe?
  • What does it mean to promote viewpoint diversity in each type of program? Are there other dimensions of disagreement that are also (or more) relevant than ideology?
  • Is the goal of civic education to build support for the constitutional order, to subject the system to critical scrutiny and improvement, or both?

We anticipate rich discussions and constructive disagreements that will enrich participants’ views of these issues while also strengthening the intellectual community.

Please register on the summit site and check it for the full agenda and list of speakers. This information will be updated as the summit develops.

the case for viewpoint diversity

Here is a quick interview of me for Tufts’ Center for Expanding Viewpoints in Higher Education. I think the question was something like this: “Why is it important to include diverse points of view?” Even though I appear to be looking heavenward for answers, I stand by my claim that ethical reasoning is comparative; and we need direct exposure to diverse views to be able to make comparisons.

A subtle point: for reasons that Andrew Perrin and Christian Lundberg present in this Boston Globe editorial, I don’t love the metaphor of viewpoints. It implies that each person has a stance that explains all their specific views, and we either stand in the same place as another person (in which case our mentalities are identical) or in a different place (therefore destined to disagree). I prefer to think in terms of networks of beliefs that may overlap.* Nevertheless, John Stuart Mill’s basic argument for diversity of values applies.

I would also note that the argument for value-diversity conflicts with the goal of objectivity. If we can use objective methods to settle issues related to policy or social criticism, then it doesn’t matter what values we bring to the conversation. On the other hand, if values are simply manifestations of our viewpoints or identities (or preferences), then there is no point in reasoning about them. Ethical reasoning is neither subjective nor scientific but discursive and comparative.

*See Mapping Ideologies as Networks of Ideas (Journal of Political Ideologies 29 (3), 464-491) and People Are Not Points in Space: Network Models of Beliefs and Discussions ( Critical Review 36 (1-2), 119-145)

CALL FOR APPLICATIONS: 2026 Institute for Civically Engaged Research

The American Political Science Association’s Institute for Civically Engaged Research (ICER) is a four-day residential institute that provides political scientists with training to conduct ethical and rigorous civically engaged research.

Up to 20 scholars will be selected as ICER Fellows and invited to attend the 2026 Summer Institute. ICER Fellows will network with other like-minded political scientists, and together, learn best practices for conducting academically robust, mutually beneficial scholarship in collaboration with communities, organizations, and agencies outside of academia.

ICER is organized in partnership with the Center for Community Engagement (CCE) at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). with generous support from the John Randolph Haynes and Dora Haynes Foundation.

The 2026 Institute will be held in person at UCLA in Los Angeles, CA from July 13-16. To apply, please complete this form by April 15, 2026, 11:59 pm PT.

What is Civically Engaged Research?

Scholars in many disciplines are grappling with how to produce rigorous scholarship that addresses significant social challenges in collaboration with communities, organizations, and agencies. They strive to learn from those working outside of academia, to grow in understanding from the insights of all kinds of groups and institutions, and to give back to communities rather than extract value from them.

Civically engaged political science research is an approach to inquiry that involves political scientists collaborating in a mutually beneficial way with people and groups beyond the academy to co-produce, share, and apply knowledge related to power or politics that contributes to self-governance. Conducting robust community and civically engaged research entails a different set of practices than other kinds of political science research,

APSA’s Institute for Civically Engaged Research

ICER trains political scientists at all career stages in best practices for conducting CER The Institute Directors are Peter Levine (Tufts University), Samantha Majic (John Jay College & The CUNY Graduate Center), and Adriano Udani (University of Minnesota). Together with practitioner experts and scholarly guest speakers, ICER Directors and fellows will explore key topics related to civically engaged research by discussing relevant readings, by analyzing specific examples of civically engaged research from political science and cognate disciplines, and by considering the research plans and ideas of institute participants.

2026 Summer Institute

The Institute will take place on campus at UCLA from July 13-16. Approximately twenty fellows will meet each day for intensive discussions and workshops. Thanks to generous support from the Haynes Foundation, participants will have access to complimentary housing on the UCLA campus alongside scholarships available to defray costs of meals and travel. Applicants are expected to seek financial support from their home institution, but admission to the Institute will not be affected by financial need.

TOPICS TO BE COVERED

  • How to do civically engaged research: Practical guidance on initiating, designing, and sustaining collaborative research across fields and sectors.
  • Scholarly engagement: What political scientists uniquely contribute to CER, the limits of scholarly expertise, and the value of working across disciplines and practitioner and community knowledge
  • Ethics: Engaging partners fairly by sharing credit, funding, and other resources equitably, managing disagreement, and navigating IRB and other institutional constraints.
  • Career considerations: Aligning and producing engaged research for publication, tenure and promotion, and funding.
  • Communicating impact: Strategies for sharing findings and articulating the value of civically engaged research to partners, communities, policymakers, the media, and the broader public.
  • Engaging with different kinds of partners: Why and how to engage with governments and other institutions, communities, social movements, and other kinds of partners. We will welcome ICER participants from subfields including but not limited to governance, public administration, public policy, and social movements.

How to Apply

ICER is not intended for scholars who already have extensive CER experience; instead, it is designed for political scientists who wish to learn about or transition into Civically Engaged Research (CER).

While the program is best suited to early- and mid-career scholars, advanced graduate students nearing completion of their doctoral program are also welcome to apply. We are especially interested in gathering scholars interested in partnering with government officials, policy practitioners, and/or community organizers for CER projects.

To apply, please complete the form located here. Applications are due April 15, 2026, and applicants will be notified of decisions by early May 2026.

For more information abot ICER, please visit our website:

https://connect.apsanet.org/icer/.

If you have further questions about the institute, please contact centennial@apsanet.org.