doing the same thing again and expecting different results is not insane

Is it just me, or are people suddenly citing the following quote all over the place: “The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results”? It is variously attributed to Albert Einstein, Ben Franklin, and Mark Twain, but may actually come from mystery writer Rita Mae Brown. In any case, it’s false because:

1. Even if it is an example of insane behavior, it is not the definition of it.

2. It is often not insane, or even unwise. Any time there is a less-than-100-percent chance of obtaining a great outcome by doing something, you should consider repeating that something until you get the payoff. Quitting after a few attempts would be–if not insane–dumb.

(People who repeat this phrase seem to expect good results even though stating it hasn’t achieved anything in the past. That does not make them insane but it does make them inconsistent.)

federal policy and civic skills report

Last April, CIRCLE convened scholars, civic leaders, and federal officials met in Washington to develop a federal policy agenda for civic skills. Thirty-three of the participants (not including any federal officials) jointly wrote and signed a report that we released yesterday. Some highlights:

“American citizens and communities can address our nation’s fundamental problems. But to do so requires civic skills, especially the ability to gather and interpret information, speak and listen, engage in dialogue about differences, resolve conflicts, reach agreements, collaborate with peers, understand formal government, and advocate for change.”

“Civic associations—among other institutions–have developed their members’ skills throughout American history. But these associations are in deep decline (notwithstanding some important new forms of online association), and therefore we cannot count on the public’s civic skills to be adequate in the decades ahead.”

Among the recommendations:

“Across federal agencies, develop common principles, values, and language that help build the civic capacities of civil servants and that nurture authentic public engagement. This objective may require both an inter-agency working group on skills within the federal government and convening others outside the government to develop common principles and strategies.”

“Redirect service-oriented programs and opportunities so that they become civic-skill-building and community-capacity-building programs. Go beyond the ‘service’ language. At the same time, recognize that some service and service-learning programs already have strong records of developing civic skills.”

Read the whole thing in PDF here.

on public work and alienation

Neighbors love a local stream and are concerned about its health. Thanks to them, a pedestrian footbridge is built over it to provide access and to reduce car pollution. It doesn’t matter much whether people cause the bridge it to appear by lobbying the local government to build it, persuading a private company to donate it, or physically erecting it themselves. So long as the bridge was their idea and the fruit of their collective discussion and effort, several advantages are likely to follow: 1) Because they designed it, it will meet their needs and reflect their talents. 2) Because they made it, they will feel a sense of ownership and will be motivated to protect it. 3) Because they are formally equal as neighbors, not ranked in a hierarchy, each will feel a sense of dignity and status. 4) In shaping their public world together, they will gain a feeling of satisfaction and agency that is available nowhere else. And 5) By combining discussion with collaborative action, they will develop skills, relationships, and political power that can transfer to other settings.

None of these outcomes is guaranteed, nor would I ignore the possibility of arguments, tensions, and downright failures. But some of the advantages are impossible to obtain in other ways.

The bridge is just a metaphor. We don’t need to burden the earth with unlimited numbers of new structures. Restoring nature is equally valuable, as are various forms of non-tangible and non-permanent goods: events, performances, ideas, cultural innovations.

I don’t think that who owns the good is of fundamental importance. There are five basic options: no ownership at all (which is the case with the high seas), government ownership, an individual owner, a for-profit corporate owner, or a nonprofit corporate owner. These legal arrangements are relevant, but they do not determine whether people can do public work together. Other factors, such as motivations, norms, expectations, and rewards, interact with the legal status of goods in various complex ways.

Thus a great example of a publicly created space might be a coffee house, papered with posters for local events, populated by a cross-section of the community. That coffee house may belong to and profit one person, who (along with his or her customers) can rightly feel responsible for building a common space. Meanwhile, a government-owned underpass nearby may be the most forbidding and hostile, anti-public space in town.

As Elinor Ostrom noted in her Nobel Prize Lecture, how people manage a common-pool resource depends in part on whether they are organized as (for instance) “private water companies, city utilities, private oil companies, and local citizens meeting in diverse settings.” Their behavior differs, too, depending on the rules of the game: for example “when they meet monthly in a private water association, when they face each other in a courtroom, and when they go to the legislature.” Despite these differences, Ostrom and her colleagues have begun to build one overall framework for understanding the management of common-pool resources–a framework that tends to downplay the dichotomy between state and private sector that seems fundamental in other theories. One could say that in this framework, citizens are at the center and they have available a plurality of institutional forms and combinations of forms.

Still, I think there is a sense of “public” that makes the creation of public goods particularly precious. My imaginary bridge and coffee house may have different legal status, but they share the advantages listed in the first paragraph above. The outputs of government bureaucracies and private corporations usually lack those advantages, which is why people are alienated from the world that those entities jointly create. Governments can incorporate public creativity and work into their operations, and that would be the best way to make people like the government more. Unfortunately, it is not the main trend in public administration anywhere in the developed world.

federal leverage as an employer, and higher education

The federal government provides full-time employment for 2.8 million civilians. In a given month, the feds may hire 50,000 new employees. Imagine if they said: “We are looking for people who have civic skills, who can analyze complex public or social issues and problems in collaboration with other people, including lawyers, scientists, and laypeople. Moreover, we propose to measure those skills in our potential employees–either by giving evaluations to individuals, or by evaluating the educational programs that they have completed.” The result would be a scramble to provide more effective civic education at the college level. Private employers might also take the government’s lead, since many civic skills are also job skills useful in the private sector.

I support the tax deal

(Washington, DC) My inbox is full of denunciations of the Obama/GOP tax deal, but I support it. Until very recently, additional Keynsian stimulus seemed politically impossible. No one was even talking about it. Now we can have a stimulus package larger than the one enacted in 2009. About 32% is devoted to maintaining the upper-income tax cuts, which are unfair and inefficient as stimulus. But even that part of the bill is likely to have some stimulative effects, and the rest of the package will be better. I’d rather see spending on infrastructure and a small increase in the upper-income tax rate, but those aren’t options. The realistic alternative is preserving the status quo, which is worse.

It’s fine with me if liberal groups attack the upper-income tax rates. Their critique is valid on its face and could help when the cuts come up for reauthorization in 2012. And it’s fine with me if many Democrats in Congress vote against the bill. It’s almost always better to vote against an economic package: you can claim you favored something better. So why not let the Republicans take the heat for voting “yea”? But I hope the bill passes and I hope the president gets some credit on the left for it.

I could certainly be wrong in my overall judgment of the bill. I am, however, fairly sure of two points. First, it’s a general mistake to evaluate legislation as a “win” for one party and a “loss” for the other. Government isn’t a game, and most legislation is either win-win or lose-lose, not zero-sum. The question is whether Americans will benefit, not which party won. Second, it’s a mistake to assess this deal as an indication of whether President Obama will be nice or hostile to Republicans. The deal is the deal: it provides little or no information about the future of relations in DC.