Monthly Archives: August 2004

how to get out the vote (what the research says)

When people try to mobilize voters (whether for partisan or ideological reasons, or simply to increase participation), they usually rely on at least an implicit theory about what makes people decide to vote.

On one hand, there are so many strong reasons in favor of voting that we might expect everyone to participate at every opportunity. Federal, state, and local governments collect about $2.9 trillion of our money each year and spend even more (pdf). They also make policy decisions of great importance, including the decision to wage war. By the simple and cost-free act of voting, each person gains an equal power to move this whole apparatus in the direction of his or her preferences. At the same time, voting influences who governs, thereby affecting the character, style, and principles of public leaders. Even if one ends up on the losing side of an election, a vote expresses a citizen?s values and signals his or her preferences to other citizens and political actors.

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sentimental populism

I recently came across a critique of Ralph Nader that Harry Boyte wrote several years ago. This is the best paragraph:

Ultimately, the problem with Nader-style populism is that it asks very little of citizens. It is based on a fairy land account of our nation’s problems in which the people are innocents, the corporations are villains and democracy will come when we break them up. Instead of a populism of grievance and victimhood, we need a civic populism that teaches people how to work across lines of difference, how to understand problems in many-sided ways, how to listen to others with whom they disagree, how to think strategically and practically, not simply in emotive or righteous ways.

I think the criticism is accurate; and it applied even thirty years ago when Nader was a crusading lawyer instead of a presidential candidate. It also describes people like Venezuelan President Hector Chavez, media scholar Robert McChesney, and Michael Moore. I’m much more attracted to populism that has two important features: it recognizes that ordinary people are already creating and wielding power all around us (they are not just victims); and it recognizes the ways that popular attitudes, skills, and values could be improved. Corporations and governments are not the only things standing in the way of popular rule; sometimes people are uninterested in governing. But that’s not an argument against populism. It’s a challenge that makes you think hard about civic education, community organizing, and institution-building.

Speaking of which, Ned Crosby has posted a very useful long comment about the Jefferson Center and its Citizens’ Juries on this blog.

another thought on charters

I commented earlier on the recent finding that students in charter schools perform somewhat worse than other students on standardized test. This finding was reported in a New York Times lead article that has prompted much criticism. A certain theme has emerged in some of the blog commentary on that article …

Matthew Yglesias: “‘charter school’ doesn’t really name a kind of school, so much as a kind of procedure for creating a school. Different charters are very different from one another and different jurisdictions have different rules for how a charter school can be created. Aggregate data about charter school performance, then, is much less useful than comparative data about what sorts of charter schools succeed (and what sorts fail) and what chartering systems tend to generate good ones (or bad ones).”

Chester Finn: [C]harter schools are astoundingly varied. We’ve known for ages that hanging a ‘charter’ sign over the door doesn’t assure a good school, or predict a bad school, nor can one readily generalize about them. In fact, the variability among charter schools surpasses that of regular public and private schools. That’s one reason they’re hard to study?because having a ‘charter’ may be less important than the school’s core mission, which might be dropout recovery, or the arts, or bilingualism, or giving new options to disabled children. Some of the best schools I’ve ever been in are charter schools, some of which are blowing the lid off test scores in such vexed communities as Boston, New York and Chicago. And some of the worst?and flakiest?schools I’ve ever been in are charter schools. Yet people are choosing them.”

Fair enough–I agree with this. Whether a school is a charter or not isn’t the important thing; what matters is the curriculum, the personnel, the leadership, the mission, the level of parental involvement, and so on. But note what this implies. Charter schools do differ from almost all conventional public schools in a couple of key respects: they compete for students and they develop their own rules and philosophies, independent of educational bureaucracies and teachers’ unions. Many people believe that bureaucracies and unions are the problems in education, and that competition and choice are the answers. If that were true, then charters, as a category, should be substantially better than non-charters, even granting that there is variance within the charter category. Instead, they are no better, even controlling for student demographics.

Although EduWonk is much more critical of the New York Times story than I am, I agree with his bottom line: “Charters are about creating space for good providers of public education to enter the educational sector, there is nothing magical about the charter label per se. … Is every charter school great? Of course not. Are there too many low-performing ones? Yes. However, the solution to that problem is not to do away with charters but rather to ensure that public policies rigorously weed-out the low-performers while not hamstringing the many high performing public charter schools changing the lives of youngsters every day. For that to happen though requires a d?tente on all sides of this debate and Eduwonk doesn’t see that happening anytime soon since most charter critics don’t want good charter schools, they want no charter schools and some in the charter movement don’t seem to have much use for the ‘public’ aspects of public schooling.”

the possibility of historical fiction

In the book that I’m writing about Dante, I observe that most forms of serious historical fiction are no longer tenable today. A century ago, dramatists like Stephen Phillips in England and Gabrielle D’Annunzio in Italy could still write critically-acclaimed verse dramas set in the middle ages. Churches and other public buildings (especially on college campuses) were still built to look gothic–even in the New World, where there could have been no genuine medieval structures. And there was still a living tradition of “history painting.”

I argue that such fiction is untenable today because it embodies a kind of contradiction that we can no longer stomach. How can a scene from the distant past be depicted with the methods of the present? Victorian painters dressed their characters in medieval clothes, but their paintings were obviously conceived by nineteenth-century artists. If they had been eye-witnesses to the scenes they depicted, then they would have been medieval painters, and their style, as well as their subject, would have looked Gothic. Likewise, D?Annunzio?s Francesca da Rimini is full of historical details, but it is written in avant-garde free verse. It is obviously not a rediscovered medieval passion play, for it obeys the conventions of symbolist poetry and modern drama. D?Annunzio?s audience sat across a proscenium arch from a scene that was supposed to resemble a photograph of Ravenna taken in 1250?as if there could be any such thing. They were obviously in the hands of a modern playwright. As Paolo Valesio writes, ?The more the author tries to give the color of historical faithfulness to his designs, the more those designs appear as what they are: dreaming silhouettes.? Nietzsche has earlier remarked: ?Winckelmann?s and Goethe?s Greeks, Victor Hugo?s Orientals, Wagners? Edda characters, Walter Scott?s thirteenth-century Englishmen?some day someone will reveal the whole comedy! It was all beyond measure historically false.”

Recognizing the artificiality that’s always involved in representing the past as if one were an eye-witness, modernists of the 20th century either abandoned the effort altogether or they made a topic of the artifice, as in Joyce’s Oxen of the Sun episode.

And yet … there are still many excellent and ambitious novels that represent episodes from the past as if from an eye-witness’s perspective. Within the past few months, I have read three. Penelope Fitzgerald’s The Blue Flower depicts a completely unfamiliar world: rural Germany during the Romantic era. The young poet Novalis, home from a sophisticated university, falls in love with a very ordinary 12-year-old neighbor. The values, beliefs, and behavior of the characters are plausible, even though we would never encounter anything similar today. The novel is a window into a different form of life, but its form is strictly modern.

I also read one of Patrick O’Brien’s Aubrey/Maturin novels: essentially genre fiction about the Napoleonic Wars, but very well researched and ably written, so that you feel that you are observing battles and love-affairs from the time of Jane Austen. And last night I finished Barry Unsworth’s stunning Morality Play. This work also belongs to a modern genre–detective fiction; and the first-person narrator is obviously a 20th-century creature. He observes and describes the emotions of the other characters with detail and psychological insight that could only be modern (post-Freudian), even though he is a 14th-century protagonist. The plot is unpredictable and suspenseful, yet it relies on many conventions of modern crime fiction.

If anything, I think historical fiction is more likely to “work”–to satisfy readers–than it would have been fifty years ago. Historicism is back; modernism is out. This makes me wonder whether the modernists were right to reject representations of the past as artificial. Actually, their logic compelled them to doubt representation altogether. They believed that any form of representation reflected an arbitrary cultural style, so it could not be objective. If they were wrong and one can represent the present world (as most of our novels presume to do), then one can just as well represent the past. It simply takes a bit more research.

a milestone for civic education

I chair the Steering Committee of the Campaign for the Civic Mission of Schools. Today the Campaign announced that we are making “six $150,000 grants to promote civic learning in the public schools of Colorado, Maine, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina and Pennsylvania.” The press release explains:

The Campaign is a major national initiative to renew and restore a core purpose of public education ? preparing America?s young people to be informed and active citizens in our democracy. It is funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York and the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation and managed by the Council for Excellence in Government in partnership with the Academy for Educational Development. The Campaign endorses a comprehensive approach to civic learning, with schools not only being places where young people acquire knowledge but where they also are exposed to all facets of citizenship through experiential activities that instill civic knowledge, skill, and behavior.

The grants were awarded through a rigorous national competition, with the six winning coalitions selected from 36 state proposals. Each grant covers a two-year period beginning in November and will help support the work of state-level coalitions organized to advance the cause of civic learning.

?This is a milestone for a Campaign that?s only six months old,? David Skaggs, Executive Director of the Campaign and former Congressman from Colorado, said in announcing the grants. ?Over the next two years we expect these state coalitions to show what can be done to restore civic learning to a central place in our schools.? …

The Campaign?s work is grounded in the Civic Mission of Schools report and is guided by a Steering Committee composed of representatives from some 40 national organizations active in the field. These organizations have a variety of missions and emphases but are working collaboratively to develop a richer, comprehensive approach to civic learning.