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quantitative and qualitative methods

I’ve recently seen two almost identical charts explaining the difference between

qualitative and quantitative research. One was shown at a conference, the other

presented in a graduate level methods textbook. I didn’t save the charts, unfortunately,

but this is how I recall them. (Similar charts can be found on the Web, e.g.,

here

and or at the bottom of this

page.)

quantitative qualitative
detached engaged
value-neutral partial/committed
claims objectivity admits subjectivity
seeks general findings denies that general rules apply in cases
describes the mean looks for exceptions, complications
pulls factors out of context describes situations holistically
assumes certainty presumes uncertainty
distinguishes causes from effects does not presume to isolate causes

I think this is a very misleading way to draw the distinction. Quantitative

research means mathematical analysis; qualitative research means descriptions

in words. The use of math requires quantification and a large enough sample

to generate statistically meaningful results. The use of descriptive language

requires enough detail about cases to generate insightful narratives or portraits.

Both approaches are useful. Neither method implies positivism (a strict distinction

between facts and values, or between facts and opinions), nor does either method

imply skepticism or postmodernism. One can use quantitative methods–such as

surveys and statistical analysis of the results–in a deeply engaged, critical,

"political" way, without any illusions that one is objective. Or one

can use qualitative methods–such as in-depth interviews–in a highly "positivistic"

spirit (thinking that one has no values or biases and no axes to grind). Charts

like the one above appeal to very general beliefs (or prejudices) about epistemology

and drive us to favor either quantitative or qualitative methods. Instead, I

think we should simply ask what can usefully be counted in particular cases,

and what cannot.

“bold, persistent experimentation”

I spent today at a meeting, which I had organized, on how to mobilize young voters. Almost half of the participants were nonpartisan practitioners who are trying to increase youth voting in 2004. Another large group were researchers who do “field experiments” on various methods of getting out the vote. In other words, they randomly assign some registered voters to get a “treatment” (such as a phone call), and leave the rest untreated. They then measure the actual difference in voting between the two groups–not using polls, but consulting official voting records. Overall, this highly rigorous method finds that young voters can be mobilized cost-effectively by means of phone banks and door-to-door visits.

We have reported many of these results in the past and will summarize them again shortly. Meanwhile, for me, some of the most interesting results emerged from the work of a Yale graduate student, Andra Gillespie. She said that civil rights organizations are often resistant to testing their voter outreach efforts. They are confident about what they’ve been doing for generations (even though there’s some evidence that it has no effects). It struck me that our society badly needs organizations that are both experimental and also authentically rooted in communities. Such organizations are needed not only in the youth voting area, but more generally.

We have institutions, such as universities and foundations, that are willing and able to test programs, but they have little accountability or credibility. They fly in, test a new program or approach, bless it or condemn it on the basis of their research, and then leave. Because they lack street-level credibility, they have trouble mobilizing people, so they often don?t get great results. Meanwhile, there are organizations that really do represent and serve communities over the long term, but they refuse to subject their methods to tough testing. I can think of very few (if any) organizations that combine credibility and accountability with true experimentalism. I love FDR’s New Deal slogan: “bold, persistent experimentation,” but we lack the institutions to make this happen.

dangers of fame

Here are three risks created by the pursuit of fame:

1. Fame tends to accumulate in unjustifiable and unhelpful ways. Just as the rich get richer, so the famous get “famouser.” For example, media outlets want to interview the famous; colleges want to hire them or invite them to visit; organizers want them to speak at their meetings. Each time someone agrees to one of these gigs, he or she gets more famous–pretty much regardless of merit. I know of famous academics who are hired simply because they will bring attention to colleges; and colleges that provide professional p.r. services to promote these same scholars even more. (A disclosure: I personally benefit from money spent to promote CIRCLE–which worries me.) In a society with efficient communications media, everyone can get access to the famous, and that’s what they demand. It then becomes increasingly difficult for others to get attention. Fame is actually worse than money in this respect. There is a limited supply of public attention, so the struggle for fame can be zero-sum, rather than win-win (as economic markets often are).

2. Those who want to be famous think too much about their potential audience. I am all for being sensitive to one’s readers or listeners–patiently giving them the information they need, trying not to bore them, trying to be relevant to their problems, etc. Also, if you have something important to say, I think you should try to find ways to communicate it to the people who need to know it. But desire for fame causes some people to put the cart before the horse. Instead of thinking, “I have something important to say; how can I find an audience?” they think, “I want an audience; what will a large group of people want to hear?” Note that this logic doesn’t always cause people to say (or write) popular things. Instead, it may encourage them to promote controversial views, so that they can be the only ones holding particular opinions. But unfortunately, the truth is often unoriginal and complicated, rather than simple and new.

3. People who are famous are asked to comment on all manner of topics. If they agree, they thus lose the intellectual discipline that comes from having to get published (or interviewed) on the merits of one’s research. A few extremely famous academics continue to work hard at developing evidence and arguments; they also concentrate on expressing views that they can defend on the basis of their own work. But more frequently, scholars are corrupted by fame; they spend most of their time opining on subjects far afield from their own competence, and thereby set bad examples for students and younger faculty.

I recognize that this blog is full of my own unprofessional, unsubstantiated opinions, which I nevertheless want people to read. I suppose in my defense I would say that this form is more like a conversation with a smallish group of voluntary visitors than a public address. Still, I do sometimes desire fame, and that is precisely why I worry about it.

varieties of fame

As I’ve remarked before, I’m interested in the desire for fame. It’s the main selfish motivation of academics–and of people who create personal websites and blogs. Christians and ancient Stoics called the desire for fame a vice. Arguably, it is a virtue: specifically, a civic republican virtue that motivates and accompanies participation in public life. But I think its influence on academics is mostly corrupting. If it is a vice, then it’s a worse moral danger for me personally than some others, such as greed for money and desire for power.

I hope to create an extended thread on the topic. For today, I’ll just observe that many people want fame, but they want it in very different forms. So ask yourself:

1. Would you rather be known to millions of people at one instant because of a CNN broadcast, or to one hundred people during your lifetime, plus one hundred people in each generation after your death for the next 500 years?

2. Would you rather be known to half a billion people in India or China, or half the people you pass as you walk around in your own neighborhood?

3. Whom would you prefer to know about you–some of the world’s most powerful people, some of the top experts in a difficult field, or some of the people who themselves have the biggest audiences?

4. Would you rather be known for your name, your ideas and actions, or your face? For instance, would you rather (a) have a daily byline in a major newspaper, or (b) see your own work described once in a news article, or (c) appear in secondary roles in various TV dramas?

5. Would you rather be known by a limited number of cognoscenti for your originality, or would you rather that millions of people associated you with an idea that you did not originate, although you have expressed it articulately?