Author Archives: Peter Levine

when finally I lie

The boy watches fluid in tubes, lab coats,
Hurried sneakers, hushed exchanges, and thinks
He could grow into one who consults notes,
Gives opinions, adjusts that thing that blinks
Beneath the window that reveals the wall
Of the mall, where later he will sip a shake.
The patient, watching the jagged line fall
That charts his spreading, swelling, burning ache,
Was once the boy and still by habit dreams
Of what he might learn to do and become.
No greater sorrow than to recall your schemes
Of futures past when at last you must succumb.
I am the patient and the boy, hoping I
Will forget these lines when finally I lie.

assessment: an overview

Recently I presented some thoughts about why and how we might use assessment in civic education. Most of my points apply to education in general. People seemed to find these ideas useful, so I offer my notes here.

Assessment for what?

  • “Formative”: to find out what students or other people know or can do before an educational experience begins, so that we can tailor the education to their needs.
  • As an incentive for performance. For instance, if students must pass a civics test to complete ninth grade (the theory goes), they will work hard at civics.
  • As a gatekeeper: perhaps no one should hold a high school diploma unless he or she can demonstrate particular knowledge.
  • To guide institutions or public policies. For example, we assess programs to decide whether to fund or require them; we evaluate teachers to determine their employment status.
  • For the improvement of programs or institutions: in other words, as helpful feedback to educators and administrators.
  • To impress outsiders, such as potential funders, with the merits of programs.

Assessment of whom?

  • Students–but we might choose to focus on average students, highly at-risk students, talented and motivated students who are potential leaders, or groups of students to see how they perform as teams.
  • Educators
  • Programs
  • Schools
  • States and other governmental entities

Assessment of what?

  • Students’ knowledge, skills, dispositions, values, or habits and behaviors. Note that the kinds of knowledge we want children to possess are enormously various and extensive. In the civic domain, skills encompass fairly typical academic skills (such as interpreting a written political speech) and distinctively civic skills (such as moderating a meeting or dealing with a free-rider in a group). Dispositions and habits can be assessed, but not when the stakes are high. Asking students to report on their own values and behaviors and then holding them accountable for their answers seems an invitation to lie.
  • Schools’ offerings–for example, what courses they provide; whether a student newspaper exists.
  • Teachers’ performance.
  • Programs’ effects: ideally, the changes in students that are causally attributable to their experience in a given program.
  • Pedagogical techniques or strategies, or elements of programs abstracted from specific programs. For instance, several evaluations of programs that include seminars for teachers have shown good effects on students. (Facing History and Ourselves is an example). But we do not know whether seminars for teachers, per se, are helpful.

Assessment by whom?

  • Program staff or teachers, who can assess students or programs
  • Supervisors, who can assess teachers or students
  • Expert evaluators or test-designers
  • Voters, citizens, or parents, whose role can either be informal (putting pressure on schools to remedy perceived failures) or formal (serving on evaluation committees, reviewing data)
  • Students, who can be asked for their opinions about teachers or programs. More interestingly, they can be asked to supply relatively objective data about educational experiences.

Assessment how?

  • Tests or test-like written instruments. These are relatively inexpensive, standardizable, and subject to public review; but limited to factual knowledge and fairly simple academic skills. They are limited, also, to the assessment of individuals’ work, not group work.
  • Performances or portfolios that are graded by teachers or juries.
  • Simulations or games–winning or scoring well on the game would lead to a positive assessment.
  • Evaluations based on people’s opinions of the program, e.g., college students’ course evaluations.
  • Longitudinal studies, which repeat some of the same survey items at different times. Repeating a survey very soon tells us nothing about retention. Repeating it after a long while precludes attributing any changes to a particular intervention. Repeating it many times is helpful but is generally expensive because of the costs of retaining individuals in a study.
  • Randomized experiments, about which I have written before. My favorite design, by the way, is a wait-list control, in which volunteer participants are assigned to receive the experience either immediately or after a delay, and the two groups are assessed simultaneously. Facing History and Ourselves, the Bill of Rights Institute, and the Center on Politics at the University of Virginia have shown that randomized field experiments of civic education are possible.

What we lack

In the civics field, we are most seriously in need of:

  • Tools for reliably assessing advanced skills, especially distinctively civic or leadership skills that are not also academic skills.
  • Tools for assessing participation in group projects and discussions.
  • Assessments of the quality of “inputs” (not what students know but what schools teach)
  • Well-designed assessments of the impact of professional development for teachers on their students.

Congress considers honoring Christina Taylor-Green by supporting civil discussion in schools

House resolution 181 proposes to honor “the memory of Christina-Taylor Green by encouraging schools to teach civic education and civil discourse in public schools.” I love the bill for three reasons:

First, the very best way to honor the life of an exemplary 9-year old citizen (who was killed while trying to participate in a public dialog with her elected representative) is to encourage such experiences for other children.

Second, the bill, while it is simply a resolution that has no teeth, does include several worthy provisions. If the resolution passed, Congress would recognize “the importance of returning the teaching of civic education and civil discourse to schools, especially for students in grades 6 through 12;… [encourage] the Secretary of Education to direct schools receiving Federal funding to include instruction in civic education and civil discourse; [and encourage] schools and teachers to conduct educational programming on the importance and methods of civic education and civil discourse.”

Third, the short text of the bill cites us, accurately and explicitly:

    Whereas empirical evidence demonstrates a strong link between civic education and participation in community and public service, and according to the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement [that’s us!], students who take courses in civics are at least 50 percent more likely to volunteer and to help solve community problems;

    Whereas students who participate in classroom civil debate are, according to the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, more civically engaged, being at least 60 percent more likely to follow the news, sign a written petition, and be involved in organizations outside school;

    Whereas, according to a study by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, students involved in civic activities to fulfill a class requirement are 22 percent more likely to graduate from college …

I say, pass H. RES. 181!

constitutional piety

Montpelier, VA: I am staying at an almost-literal shrine to the United States Constitution, James Madison’s own house, where they (rightly) preserve an ink stain on the floor that may be some of the ink with which Mr. Madison took his notes on ancient constitutions, preparing for the Philadelphia convention. My fellow visitors are all civic educators who teach American history or government at the high school or college level or in museums and other public institutions. They are diverse, and I would hesitate to characterize even the individuals politically, but there is a right-of-center median. Some participants worked in the Bush White House or clerked for conservative Supreme Court Justices. For some, deep respect for the Constitution in its original form is an important civic virtue.

I don’t personally think that the United States Constitution, as a document, is a particularly strong example of such an instrument in the 21st century. If you made a serious and open-minded comparison between our constitution and those of other successful and stable contemporary republics, ours would look significantly flawed. I know this sounds like heresy at a time when all the Republican presidential hopefuls agree: “America is stupendously great, awesomely great, so great that ‘great’ doesn’t begin to describe its greatness–and Obama just doesn’t get it.” But the way the Constitution frustrates accountability by dividing power seems highly problematic, not to mention the unequal representation in the Senate, lack of basic positive rights, and so on.

And yet here is a way in which I am quite conservative. Regimes or polities are organic wholes that develop slowly but can quickly go bad. One idiosyncratic but well-established aspect of the American polity is our veneration for the written text of the Constitution, which extends to piety about its authors and even the locations where they lived and wrote. This civic religion could not be transplanted to other democracies. But neither can all aspects of their political orders be imported here.

We could have a constitutional convention and rewrite the whole text, but the results would not necessarily be better; I fear they would be worse. The Constitution that we have frustrates some forms of good government but also prevents many forms of tyranny. Our polity, taken as a whole, has strengths and much potential for gradual improvement. For those reasons, a degree of reverence for the Constitution may be healthy–although I wouldn’t hide any of its flaws from students.

at Montpelier

Montpelier, VA–I am getting ready to sleep on the property of Montpelier, James Madison’s house. His Georgian/Federalist mansion is at the top of the nearby hill, overlooking horse fields and the Blue Ridge Mountains. Past his Greek temple “folly” and through some old-growth woods, you get to the guest house where I am staying. Tomorrow, colleagues and I will be discussing civic education in the very place where the Constitution was conceived–and about 100 field and household slaves labored to support the man who wrote it. On this spring night early in the 21st century, all is quiet.