Author Archives: Peter Levine

beyond voting

I had a chance to meet today with a state social studies supervisor,

which was an interesting opportunity to find out more about the complex

interplay among state standards, high-stakes tests, curriculum design

at various levels, and the textbook market. If I write a civics textbook,

I’ll have to navigate these treacherous waters.

Later, with our high school class, we spent quite a bit of time talking

about why they should (or should not) vote. I tried to move the conversation

to a related topic: How do we find out enough about candidates that we

can make a choice? It seems to me that the need for that kind of knowledge

is the biggest obstacle to voting.

index of youth civic engagement

We had a CIRCLE staff meeting

this morning. The most interesting question we dealt with was this: To

what extent is it useful to construct a broad index of civic engagement?

CIRCLE was part of an elaborate process that developed 19

survey questions covering a wide range of civic and political behaviors.

Is it useful to derive one number from these 19 questions, as an overall

measure of overall civic engagement? If we promote such an index, some

practitioners will use it to assess the condition of their own communities

(compared to the national average) and to see what happens as a result

of their programs. Is this beneficial or misleading?

the “gold standard” for medical information

I spent some time writing my article about Medline

as a "gold standard" of medical advice and information of the

Internet. No individual knows enough about medicine to make a direct assessment

of the information presented on this huge portal, which adds half a million

new scientific references every year. To decide if the material on Medline

is reliable and useful, we cannot apply what my friend Anton Vedder calls

"primary epistemic criteria," such as "consistency, coherence,

accuracy, and accordance with observations." But we can use what

he calls "secondary epistemic criteria," and they are all in

Medline’s favor. We can easily see that it is well-funded, separated from

profit-seeking companies, and run by distinguished professional organizations

and bodies.

So should every American who goes online for medical information consult

only Medline and those sites to which Medline links? One problem is that

government officials, including medical doctors, may have political agendas.

In 2002, various agencies of the United States Government removed information

about condom use and abortion from their Websites, allegedly because elected

politicians favored sexual abstinence before marriage and opposed abortion

on moral or religious grounds. For example, the National

Cancer Institute had posted information denying a link between abortion

and breast cancer until an anti-abortion Member of Congress objected,

calling it "scientifically inaccurate and misleading to the public."

Another federal Website

removed its positive assessment of condoms’ role in preventing the transmission

of disease. After the removal was criticized, similar material reappeared

online with the following additional text (in bold): "The surest

way to avoid transmission of sexually transmitted diseases is to abstain

from sexual intercourse. …" A liberal Member of Congress said,

"We’re concerned that their decisions are being driven by ideology

and not science." The President of the Planned Parenthood Federation

of America put the charge more strongly: "They are gagging scientists

and doctors. They are censoring medical and scientific facts. It’s ideology

and not medicine." [See Adam Clymer, "Critics Say Government

Deleted Sexual Material From Web Sites to Push Abstinence," The

New York Times, November 26, 2002, p. A18; and Adam Clymer, "U.S.

Revises Sex Information, and Fight Goes On," The New York Times,

December 27, 2002, p. A15.]

There is controversy about the reasons behind these particular choices

to post, remove, and revise online information. However, we need not resolve

the facts in these cases to see that government Websites may be written

on the basis of "ideology and not medicine." Actually, all

science is thoroughly imbued with normative choices about what is

important to study, what outcomes should be valued, and how much risk

to tolerate. Thus a more sophisticated critic might say something like

the following: "The Federal Government presents its medical websites

as a ‘gold standard’ and claims that nothing but dispassionate science

determines decisions about what to include. In reality, all medical advice

involves an element of normative judgment, whether deliberate or unconscious.

However, because government Websites are lavishly funded and linked to

the organized medical profession, they threaten to monopolize discourse

about important topics. Hence, we demand that these Websites disclose

their normative or ideological leanings and refer explicitly to alternative

perspectives."

a textbook idea

I’ve been writing my proposal for an innovative high school civics textbook.

I’m tentatively calling it Civics for Citizens. Unlike any competing

text, it will combine challenging academic content with exercises and

materials designed to help students experience civic life through discussions

and community service. Furthermore, in the part devoted to academic instruction,

Civics for Citizens will present an unusual selection of topics.

Many high school civics and government texts contain difficult and detailed

information about the structure and process of government, but they never

introduce students to basic concepts from social theory, philosophy, and

economics—terms such as "externality," "utilitarianism,"

and "free rider." Yet these are the most influential ideas in

policy debates among researchers, regulators, and legislators. If young

citizens never learn these ideas, then they cannot participate in (or

even follow) crucial debates and must leave the outcomes to elites.

Consider the concept of an "externality," which seems at first

glance to be too technical for a civics class. Sometimes, a voluntary

exchange among free individuals creates harms for others who did not agree

to the deal. For instance, companies produce goods that their customers

willingly buy, but they also generate pollution that affects everyone.

This is an example of an externality. If you think that externalities

are serious problems, then you may want the government to interfere to

mitigate the damage. On the other hand, if you think that externalities

are mostly not serious problems—or that the burdens of regulation

are worse—then you may want less government interference. The debate

about how much the government should regulate is perhaps the central political

argument in modern times, and it rests on conflicting ideas about externalities.

As you go through life, your personal experiences and your understanding

of current events may help you to decide what you think about externalities

and regulations. But first you need to understand the underlying concepts.

the public interest media groups

I agreed today to serve on the dissertation committee of a graduate student

who wants to study the political strategy of the "progressive"

public-interest groups that lobby for changes in federal communications

policy. These groups (the so-called "geektivists")

are concerned about the way the Internet is regulated, legal treatment

of software monopolies, excessive intellectual property rights, and erosion

of privacy. I know them well; I have often been the sole academic at Washington

strategy meetings involving their issues. I encouraged the student’s dissertation,

because I am dissastisfied with the general approach of the progressive

national groups—an approach that derives from Ralph Nader and the

other consumer advocates of the early 1970s. They analyze complex issues

to determine what is in the "public interest"; identify enemies;

"expose" their crimes and misdemeanors; develop a simple, marketable

"message" through public opinion research, and then "mobilize"

popular support by making people angry. I find this approach ethically

dubious, because it isn’t sufficiently democratic (respectful of ordinary

people’s opinions and capacities) or deliberative (willing to recognize

alternative points of view). By making people angry, it often discourages

them or turns them away from politics. Above all, approach tends to fail

when pitted against professional corporate lobbying campaigns. Thus I

think that the proposed dissertation could be useful for activists well

beyond the telecommunications field.