Author Archives: Peter Levine

the erasure of a people

According to Amos Elon’s review of Queen Noor’s autobiography in

The New York Review of Books (May 29, p. 7), the Queen once suggested

to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife that it would

be good if Israeli textbooks stopped spreading the "propaganda"

that Palestine in the 1940s was "a land with no people for a people

with no land."

"What do you mean?" Mrs. Netanhayu replied. "When the

Jews came to this area, there were no Arabs here. They came to find work

when we built cities. There was nothing here before that."

I find this retroactive erasure of a population truly chilling. (Mid

East Web, while obviously not an impartial source, provides plausible

statistics on the demographics of British Palestine.)

Leo Strauss in the news

Leo Strauss and his proteges, the "Straussians,"

are again in the news. Jeet Heer writes in the May 11 Boston Globe:

Odd as this may sound, we live in a world increasingly shaped by Leo

Strauss, a controversial philosopher who died in 1973. Although generally

unknown to the wider population, Strauss has been one of the two or

three most important intellectual influences on the conservative worldview

now ascendant in George W. Bush’s Washington. Eager to get the lowdown

on White House thinking, editors at the New York Times and Le Monde

have had journalists pore over Strauss’s work and trace his disciples’

affiliations. The New Yorker has even found a contingent of Straussians

doing intelligence work for the Pentagon .

In the International

Herald Tribune, William Pfaff calls Strauss "the main intellectual

influence on the neoconservatives," listing as Straussians: "Deputy

Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz; Abram Shulsky of the Pentagon’s Office

of Special Plans, Richard Perle of the Pentagon advisory board, Elliott

Abrams of the National Security Council, and the writers Robert Kagan

and William Kristol."

In her 1988 book The Political Ideas of Leo Strauss, Shadia Drury

argued that Strauss was not really a cultural conservative committed to

natural law and transcendent truths; he was actually a nihilist who promoted

conservatism as a golden lie for the masses. Some of John Gunnell’s articles

from the 1970s and 1980s had reached similar conclusions. In my 1995 book,

Nietzsche and the Modern Crisis

of the Humanities, I sharpened this analysis somewhat by arguing

that:

  1. Nietzsche was a duplicitous or esoteric author, teaching public doctrines

    (such as Will to Power and Eternal Return) that he did not believe,

    because he feared the impact of the nihilistic Truth; and

  2. Strauss was systematically and profoundly influenced by Nietzsche’s

    conclusions and methods of writing. Thus he was a Nietzschean, if anyone

    deserves that title.

Then, in Something to Hide (1996), I

published a comic novel about a conspiratorial group of nihilists/conservatives,

loosely based on Leo Strauss. However, given the level of suspicion that

Straussians now provoke in some quarters (e.g., among followers of Lyndon

Larouche), I should say that I find the actual Straussians curious and

sometimes interesting, but not dangerous or malevolent.

Here is the section from my 1995

book in which I assemble evidence for the hypothesis that Leo Strauss

and Allan Bloom were Nietzscheans.

young elected leaders

At the Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers University, I spent the

day with a large group of young elected officials: city councilors

and state legislators from all over the USA who are under the age of 35.

(A few young U.S. Representatives were due to appear after I left.) The

morning session was essentially a set of focus groups, one of which I

was fortunate to be able to observe. I was especially struck by the degree

of guilt that these young people feel. They are torn among family, paying

jobs, civic obligations such as nonprofit boards, constituent service,

and legislative work. "Guilt" was a word that they used frequently

and passionately.

the arts in our community

Today the Democracy Collaborative

convened scholars at the University of Maryland and community activists

from Prince George’s County to talk about working together. I participated

in a session on the arts, which generated numerous concrete, practical

ideas connected to the Prince George’s

Information Commons. There are ideas afoot in the County to develop

it as an arts center with a strong African American aspect, profiting

from the University’s presence. The people who met today may be able to

help by collecting information about existing arts assets and displaying

them either on maps or public databases (or in other ways). I also think

it would be useful to survey existing arts groups about their partnerships

and collaborations, in order to construct a diagram of the arts network

in the County. (Network mapping software can do this very nicely.)

deliberation in Argentina

I have just spent a very interesting two days at a conference sponsored

by the Institute for Philosophy

& Public Policy and the Fundacion Nueva Generacion Argentina on

the subject of "Deliberative Democracy: Principles and Cases."

Essentially, the conference brought together four groups of experts

into fruitful dialogue:

  1. The Fundacion sent Argentines who are deeply embroiled in their country’s

    convulsive political crisis.

  2. Innovative grantmakers and aid experts talked about new approaches

    to development assistance that help democracy (or good governance) and

    civil society.

  3. Practitioners who organize human-scale deliberative experiments (e.g.,

    Carolyn Lukensmeyer of America

    Speaks) talked about their work. Also, Gianpaolo Baiocchi contributed

    ethnographic research on participatory budgeting in Porto Allegre (which

    is turning into the Mecca for progessive and populist reformers); and

    Andrew Selee described participatory and deliberative experiments in

    Mexico.

  4. Several American theorists and social scientists gave papers on deliberative

    democracy. Jane Mansbridge argued for the significance of practice for

    deliberative theory, drawing some theoretical conclusions about the

    importance of self-interest and passion. Henry Richardson talked about

    the corrupting effects of being powerless, and the discipline that comes

    from having to make practical decisions together. Noelle McAfee distinguished

    three types of deliberative democracy. And Joel Siegel provided evidence

    that democracy contributes to economic growth in developing countries.