I buy the argument in Cass Sunstein’s book, Republic.com. Sunstein predicts that the Internet allows people to choose news and opinion that already interests them, while filtering out any views and facts that they find uncomfortable. As a result, the population splits into small communities of like-minded people who reinforce their shared views. Another result is a widening gap between those who are very interested in public issues and those who are not interested. Motivated citizens benefit from the availability of news and opinion online. Unmotivated ones can ignore the broader world much more then in the past, when they relied on TV for entertainment and the newspaper for want ads and crossword puzzles. Whether they liked it or not, in those days they saw news on television and on the front page of the newspaper.
Author Archives: Peter Levine
exemplary projects in civic renewal
Dr. Henry Tam has just been named "Head of Civil Renewal"
in the British Government’s Home Affairs Department. He emailed a
list of people to ask their advice about excellent projects in the
US. I gave him my quick "top-ten list" of US projects
in civic renewal:
- Local Initiatives Support Corporation
(LISC): support for urban renewal
- The Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), especially in San Antonio,
TX: community organizing with a religious flavor
- Asset-Based
Community Development
(ABCD) - Focus St. Louis: community
planning in a metropolitan region
- Campus Compact: service-learning
and civic engagement in higher education
- Public Achivement: civic
education
- America Speaks: large-scale
public deliberations, for example, about how to rebuild the World
Trade Center site in NYC
- Study Circles Resource
Center
: organizing deliberation in communities - The Quincy Library Group: just
an example of local stakeholder negotiations that resolve difficult
regulatory issues in the enviromental field
- Community Based Approaches
within the Environmental Protection Agency
ideology and civic ed
The most passionately debated question in civic education is how
to present the overall story of American history in schools.
Is it a march toward freedom and democracy, a blood-soaked tale of
oppression, or something in between? I can see three ways to address
this question:
1. By trying to tell the truth. Some historical statements
are verifiable (or falsifiable); and we should only tell students
the ones that aren’t false. However, the debate is not about whether
particular facts are true; it’s about which facts we ought
to mention and emphasize. History is a "vast grab-bag" (as
Robert Weibe once said in my hearing); and one can choose which items
to pull out. As for grand assessments of the overall meaning of American
history—they aren’t precise enough to be either true
or false, I suspect.
2. By conducting a normative (moral) debate. How to present
American history is hotly debated because each approach seems to cohere
best with a different moral/ideological worldview. Modern conservatives
want to emphasize the degree to which our founding institutions have
served us well; some liberals want to stress the March of Progress;
and many modern leftists want to focus on violence, exclusion, and
resistance. There is nothing wrong with having this debate. However,
"is" never implies "ought." One could, for example,
take a very dark view of the American past and still believe that
students should love their country and its founding documents. Many
complex combinations of facts and values are possible.
More importantly, "ought" never implies "is."
It is intellectually dishonest to adopt a normative position and then
try to teach students a set of historical facts that support that
ideology, presented as the history of the United States.
If I wanted to help students think about moral and ideological positions,
I wouldn’t proceed by trying to present a brief version of American
history to them. I would teach them explicitly about conflicting values
and methods of normative argument.
3. By predicting the effects of each version of history on students’
attitudes and beliefs. Many ideologists in this debate assume
that particular versions of history will have particular consequences
for students’ psychological development. For instance, a "triumphalist"
narrative will create patriots—or will alienate students, especially
minorities. An emphasis on exclusion and oppression will create social
activists—or will breed despair.
There is not nearly enough research on this (empirical) topic. William
Damon of Stanford argues that young people must develop a positive
view of their nation before they can care enough about it to become
engaged critics. This theory rings true in my own life. I was a jingoistic
patriot at 10, only to become a critical activist by 20. However,
I’m not sure that trying to impart a completely positive view of the
Founders would work as well with young people of color as it did with
me. In any case, I would love to see more research this field, using
as many relevant methodologies as possible.
Moussaoui prosecution
(On the way to Macon, GA): The government is moving to dismiss all
charges against Zacarias Moussaoui, who is accused
of being the 20th hijacker on 9/11—the co-conspirator who couldn’t
actually fly a plane because he was already in custody. Prosecutors
now say that they are seeking to dismiss the charges so that they
can appeal Moussaoui’s right to question al Qaeda prisoners. But a
well-informed person told me several weeks ago that he had heard from
a reliable source inside the government that the real 20th hijacker
is being held in Guantanamo. This would mean that Moussauoi is innocent
of the precise charges against him, which may be the real reason why
the charges are being dropped.
imprisonment in the USSR and the USA
According to a scholarly article cited here,
there were between 2 million and 2.5 million people in Soviet prisons
and camps every year between 1938 and 1953. The current population
in US jails plus prisons also exceeds 2 million (Bureau
of Justice Statistics). This comparison has not escaped people’s
notice, as a Google search of "Gulag" and "prison population"
will reveal.
Of course, there are differences between prisons in the US and in
Stalin’s Soviet Union. First, the vast majority of incarcerated people
in America have committed crimes, and they have received due process,
albeit flawed in some cases. Second, conditions in US prisons are
better than conditions in Siberian work camps. Third, our incarceration
rate is lower as a percentage of our population, although it may be
higher in some inner-city neighborhoods today than it was in the USSR
circa 1950. Fourth, the modern rationale for mass incarceration (reducing
crime) is better than Stalin’s reason (terrorizing people into submission
to him personally). Above all, the Soviet terror involved mass killing
as well as imprisonment.
Nevertheless, at the very least, the incarceration of 2 million Americans—with
collateral damage to their victims, and to their families and communities—represents
a social failure that’s unique in today’s world and comparable to
the disasters under Stalin.