Rethinking the Humanities

My chapter entitled “An Ethical Turn for the Humanities” has just been published in Rethinking the Humanities: Paths and Challenges, edited by Ricardo Gil Soeiro and Sofia Tavares. This volume originated in a Lisbon conference at which David Damrosch (Harvard Comp. Lit), Richard Wolin (History, CUNY Graduate Center), Cândido de Oliveira Martins (Catholic University of Portugal), José Pedro Serra (Lisbon), and António Sousa Ribeiro (Coimbra) presented papers that are now chapters. Rounding out the book are reprints of important recent essays by Paul Ricoeur, George Steiner, and Marjorie Perloff. My own chapter begins:

The original and fundamental purpose of the humanities is moral argumentation. Humanists are scholarly contributors to public discourse about matters of value. If there is a “crisis in the humanities” today, it arises from a general reluctance or inability to contribute to public ethical debate. The reasons for this reticence include widespread moral relativism or skepticism, envy of abstract theory, alienation from the public sphere, and a refusal to engage morally with stories, even though ethical interpretation of narrative is the characteristic contribution of the humanities.

Two recent developments are heartening and point to a revival. First, although philosophy in the English-speaking world was preoccupied for a generation with highly abstract and abstruse methodological questions, prominent Anglophone philosophers have lately resumed interpreting narratives and paying close attention to their literary qualities. Recent examples include Richard Rorty on Nabokov and Proust, Bernard Williams on the classical tragedies; Colin McGinn on Shakespeare; and Martha Nussbaum on many texts. Rorty recommended a “general turn against theory and toward narrative.”

Second, an “ethical turn” in literary studies mirrors the literary turn in philosophy. It has never been hard to find implicit moral judgments in literary criticism; and certain important moral topics (such as racism) have been close to the surface of criticism for 30 years. But it is a recent trend for literary critics to embrace the full range of moral issues and to defend explicit moral argumentation as a mode of criticism. In her influential 2006 book, The Way We Argue Now, Amanda Anderson announces: “We must keep in mind that the question. How should I live? is the most basic one.” This bold premise associates her, she says, with the “general turn to ethics.”

The ethical turn in literature and the turn to narrative in ethics converge. These trends are desirable because valid moral reasoning depends upon the telling and interpretation of stories. In turn, stories are necessary because ethical reasoning is largely particularistic, not categorical. It is about particular people in particular situations, not about abstract concepts.

In this respect, ethical judgment is like aesthetic judgment. A large patch of red paint may contribute to the beauty of a painting by de Kooning, but it would utterly ruin a Van Eyck. Patches of red paint are not the right unit of aesthetic judgment; paintings are. Likewise, we can make valid moral judgments about overall situations described in narratives, but not about their qualities or aspects when taken out of context.

In the fifth century BC, the Greek sophists developed a pedagogy based on the telling and interpretation of rich, particularistic stories. In the hands of some Sophists, this style of discourse may have been a mere tool for persuading audiences of the speaker’s goals, reflecting doubt that there was any moral truth or any need to be morally responsible. But for others, notably Protagoras, a method of describing particular circumstances seemed the best way to ascertain the moral truth and to participate responsibly in the public deliberations of a republican city state.

Almost two thousand years later, in the little republics of Renaissance Italy, authors like Lorenzo Valla again defended the telling and interpretation of concrete stories as an alternative to scholastic theoretical philosophy. They again celebrated active engagement in public life (the vita activa) as an alternative to monastic contemplation. They revived the sophists’ pedagogy by emphasizing the trivium (grammar, logic, and rhetoric—ancestors of philology and literary criticism) instead of the abstract, theoretical disciplines of philosophy and theology that had crowned the medieval educational system.

The first people to call themselves “humanists” were independent tutors who provided advanced undergraduates with instruction in grammar and rhetoric. They taught what they called the “studia humanitatis” on the side, while the university’s formal curriculum emphasized logic and theology. Parents paid for this “humanistic” instruction because they wanted their sons to learn eloquence to succeed at court or in the law. Humanist pedagogy consisted of reading and imitating ancient narrative authors, with attention to style and form, plot and character. Humanists like Thomas More, Erasmus, and Machiavelli also wrote books that we rightly classify as “philosophy.” But these texts were not treatises. They were literary works, self-conscious about character, context, voice, irony, and plot and meant for readers who understood such issues.

From the time of the Sophists and the Renaissance humanist to the present, defending the humanities as the best source of moral judgment has always required a critique of ambitious versions of moral theory (whether the theory of the time happens to come from Plato, from scholasticism, or from analytical philosophy). Moral theories are profoundly diverse and they yield a wide range of positions, from moral skepticism to Kantianism and utilitarianism. But all have one feature in common: abstraction. …

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Philip Larkin, Aubade

Larkin’s “Aubade” begins:

I work all day, and get half-drunk at night.
Waking at four to soundless dark, I stare.
In time the curtain-edges will grow light.
Till then I see what’s really always there:
Unresting death, a whole day nearer now,
Making all thought impossible but how
And where and when I shall myself die.

The rest is here. It doesn’t need annotation, except that an “aubade” is a song or poem spoken by a man to his forbidden lover at daybreak, when he must flee her bed. (Yet there’s only one person in this bed.)

Also, it might be relevant that the man who published this poem was a 55-year-old Englishman, single, reputed to be grouchy and alcoholic; an academic librarian in the Northern industrial city of Hull who would publish just a few more poems before his early death. Knowing that information, we might be tempted to place the “room [that] takes shape” as “light strengthens” in Yorkshire in 1977–rather than, say, Boston in 2012. In fact, we may think we can identify the room as the one behind the upstairs window in this building, which was Philip Larkin’s home:

105 Newland Park, Hull

I was a small American boy in England around that time. My family lived in a series of furnished, rented homes and stayed in bed-and-breakfast hotels and friends’ houses, so I recall many English bourgeois homes in those years. I can picture the “curtain-edges” and room “plain as a wardrobe” that are named in the poem and can supply other details left unmentioned: the thickly-painted electrical wires stapled to big baseboards, the framed prints of village life, the hinged windows, and the aroma of cigarettes, mothballs, and rising damp.

But look: this isn’t really the statement of a “half-drunk” middle-aged Englishman, talking to us from his bed as dawn breaks on an overcast day in 1977. He would have no means to communicate his morbid thoughts to a global audience 35 years hence. What we are actually reading is a poem, very carefully constructed over many hours or perhaps months and published in the Times Literary Supplement. Fear didn’t really make “all thought impossible,” because the author conveyed subtle thoughts in intricate verse. Despite the overwhelming volume of poems published in journals like the TLS, this one remains a staple of anthologies and seminars not because it reports the early-morning panic of a middle-aged bachelor, but because of its form.

The poem is written in a consistently natural, vernacular voice, yet it fits neatly in five 10-line stanzas with the rhyme scheme ABABCCDEED. The A, B, and C lines are of ten syllables each: regular iambic pentameter. The D lines of each stanza have 9 syllables, and the E lines are of irregular length to emphasize a phrase that occupies a whole line in each stanza: “Of dying, and being dead,” “Not to be anywhere,” “Nothing to love or link with,” “Lets no one off the grave,” and “Work has to be done.”

Reading those five lines in order reveals that work is of almost equal weight to death in the poem, which begins “I work all day,” and ends with postmen going from house to house. The real Philip Larkin worked as a senior university administrator, so he may have had one of those “locked-up office[s]” where “telephones crouch, getting ready to ring.” The telephone is an instrument of human connection–potentially a tool “to love or link with”–but for a bureaucratic worker, it mostly threatens chores, complaints, and orders.

Yet the real Philip Larkin also worked as a poet. Unlike the narrator of the poem, the author had a gift, an audience, and a life mission. It cost him labor and care to write and publish verse that used familiar forms to report common experiences. When he refers in “Aubade” to “what we know,  / Have always known, know that we can’t escape,” he is addressing a group, a “we.” He is building a community to which he will also belong. Although the telephone and the postman convey the messages of an “uncaring / Intricate rented world,” the poem demonstrates care and demands sympathy.

The narrator mixes two rhetorical modes: confessional (“I … get half-drunk at night”) and didactic. Sometimes he sounds like an atheist preacher, insisting that religion is just “That vast moth-eaten musical brocade / Created to pretend we never die.” But this isn’t a sermon or a treatise about the fear of death in a godless universe. It matters that “brocade” rhymes with “afraid,” and “die” with “try.” (Notice the contrasting senses of each pair.) The depressed doctrines of a grouchy old man would hardly matter, but it took skill and hope to turn those thoughts into an intricate and coherent poem.

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Frontiers of Democracy Conference

My substantive post for the day is over at the National Conference on Citizenship’s blog, where I advertise this summer’s Frontiers of Democracy conference by offering a few remarks about the relationship between research and practice in democracy.

We are going on a short vacation, so there will be no blogging here until Tuesday, May 15.

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education and research for democracy need not be democratic

Moving in the circles that I do, I often hear claims that education for democracy must be democratic–and that research that serves citizens must be conducted in collaboration with citizens. These views reflect some wisdom and experience, but they are not logical truths.

Many leaders have been deliberately prepared in disciplined, authoritarian educational settings to serve democracies. Consider, for example, how Martin Luther King Jr. portrayed his father:

Martin Luther King, Sr., is as strong in his will as he is in his body. He has a dynamic personality, and his very physical presence (weighing about 220 pounds) commands attention. He has always been a very strong and self-confident person … He never hesitates to tell the truth and speak his mind, however cutting it may be. This quality of frankness has often caused people to actually fear him. I have had young and old alike say to me, “I’m scared to death of your dad.” Indeed, he is stern at many points.

I assume this portrait was a bit euphemistic, because the elder King was very much alive to read it. “Daddy King” was not one for engaging children as equals in democratic discussions, yet he set MLK Jr. on a path to genuine democratic leadership.

I am inclined to think that the Venn diagram for democratic education looks like this (below). “Education for democracy” is any practice that increases the odds that children will turn into active, ethical, and effective members of communities. “Education that is democratic” is any pedagogy that emphasizes students’ voice in choosing topics, debating issues, and making things together. The two circles overlap in practices like “Action Civics,” which have been frequently found effective. But there can be good education for democracy that isn’t democratic (see “Daddy King,” above), and some democratic education doesn’t produce good citizens. That can be because it isn’t sufficiently political or because it simply isn’t good–kids waste their time.

Likewise, I think the Venn diagram for research looks like this (below). “Knowledge of value to citizens” means knowledge that we can use to improve the world. For example, a cure for cancer would be excellent, but it would not be useful for citizens unless it gave us something to do. Meanwhile, “knowledge produced collaboratively by citizens” includes the fruits of practices such as Participatory Action Research, Community Based Participatory Research, Popular Education, etc. Professors may be central players in this work, but they act as peers of fellow citizens.

Again, knowledge of value to citizens need not be produced collaboratively by citizens. Game theory, for example, has yielded many insights about how small groups work most effectively. Citizens should learn from game theory even though they did not co-produce it. Meanwhile, some knowledge produced collaboratively by citizens is not useful to citizens, because the results are incorrect, or partial, or too narrow and instrumental.

I happen to love the overlapping parts of these two Venn diagrams. At CIRCLE, we are completing a year-long and very ambitious evaluation of YouthBuild USA that we conducted with YouthBuild alumni as our co-investigators. My favorite educational programs use democratic pedagogies. But I do not assume that the circles above coincide, so that democratic education and research are always and exclusively valuable for citizens.

Rather, the core reason for my preference is ethical and pertains to means, not ends. I would rather treat children democratically (unless that actively harms their life prospects) because I think they deserve such treatment in the present. Likewise, I would rather treat a community partner as a co-investigator than a research subject because we are moral equals in the Kingdom of Ends. But I think the empirical questions–whether and when democratic processes yield good democratic outcomes–deserve more critical attention.

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moral propositions are true or false; the problem is method

(Washington, DC) Moral propositions are true or false. For example, “Genocide is evil” is a true statement. If you disagree with it, you’re wrong. So I believe, and so do most moral philosophers. This assumption violates the fact/value distinction that we teach kids as early as elementary school. We teach them that values are opinions, in contrast to facts. But I as little doubt that genocide is wrong as I doubt Newton’s laws of motion or the existence of the chair on which I sit right now. If the chair turned out to be an illusion, I wouldn’t be thoroughly crazy. If I started to favor genocide, I would be.

So what leads people to the theoretical view that moral propositions are mere opinions, neither true nor false? The problem is one of method.

We believe in natural facts because from our earliest days, nature is obdurate. Fire burns, and we form a solid belief that the fire has caused our pain. The same sensory perceptions and logical premises that we use to reach such simple conclusions also underlie scientific method, which extends our knowledge vastly, pays practical dividends, and sometimes generates counter-intuitive findings that turn out to be correct. We are almost all naturalists now, believing that science (broadly defined) yields truth, and that what is true is what science yields.

With morality, we also draw firm impressions about vivid cases. Even if you are skeptical about moral truth (in theory), you will feel with virtual certainty that it is wrong to kill someone in cold blood for one’s own amusement. You may have convinced yourself that “wrong” is just an opinion, or just an instinct inbred by natural selection, but you will oppose cold-blooded murder with as much certainty as you believe in cause-and-effect or the persistence of objects in nature.

But many other cases are more ambiguous. We know that our moral knowledge is unreliable, because we disagree with one another and because our assumptions have changed over time. For many centuries, virtually everyone (female as well as male) believed that men were superior to women in many respects. Now I and many others are sure that was wrong. But if I had been born 200 years ago, I would have been mistaken about gender. If I had been born a gentile German around 1900, I assume that I would have supported Hitler in 1939, because almost everyone did.

When we study nature, we also face ambiguity and commit errors. Like moral views, scientific theories change. It’s just that with morality, we lack an agreed-upon method for addressing uncertainty and correcting error.

That is not to say that we lack methods altogether. Philosophers often propose them. For example, John Rawls proposed developing the rules of a just society while imagining that one does not know one’s own circumstances. Putting oneself behind an imaginary “veil of ignorance,” as Rawls suggested, is a method.

But the reception of Rawls is characteristic of philosophy. Critics quickly said that too many moral assumptions were built into his method. You had to be a liberal individualist, they said, to endorse the method that led Rawls to his liberal conclusions. Moral methodology doesn’t seem separable from substantive moral views.

I acknowledge that problem, and I don’t think we are likely to find a moral method that wins consensus and  solves one controversy after another. But it doesn’t follow that morality is mere opinion. Alas, moral propositions are true or false and yet we have no agreed-upon way to know which is which in a range of ambiguous situations.

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games that produce deliberative judgment: CommunityPlanIT in Detroit and Quincy, MA

Our colleague Eric Gordon, who runs the Engagement Game Lab, builds game-like environments that encourage people to discuss public issues in ways that are fun and motivating. The games also yield really good data for civil servants who want public input and enhance citizens’ relationships with each other.

Here are citizens playing a game that Eric built to collect public input for the Boston Public Schools. Parts of the game were played online and other parts were face-to-face.

At its heart, the game was a discussion of issues and priorities, but participants earned points and powers by completing various missions–all of which strengthened the dialogue. Eric sometimes builds role-playing into games, because pretending you are a fictional character can be a spur to thinking about civic issues.

Version of CommunityPlanIT will be played in Detroit, MI, starting on May 7, and in Quincy, MA, starting tomorrow. If you happen to reside in one of those towns, you should play. If you live anywhere and are interested in civic engagement, this is an experiment to follow.

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Tennessee becomes the first state to use projects to assess civics

(Chicago) On April 27, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill that will require school districts to assess their students’ knowledge of civics by giving them assignments that are “student-influenced” and that involve an “inquiry process structured around complex, authentic questions and carefully designed products and tasks.” These assignments will be used (once in grades 4-8 and a second time in grades 9-12) in lieu of written tests to find out whether Tennessee’s students can “demonstrate understanding and relevance of public policy, the structure of federal, state and local governments and both the Tennessee and the Untied States constitutions.”

The bill doesn’t (and shouldn’t) specify what the assignments will be like, but I hope that many Tennessee students will choose issues of concern to them in their own communities, investigate those issues using rigorous research, and develop plans for improving their communities.

Testing and accountability generally pose a dilemma for civic education. If we don’t test civic knowledge and skills, they become afterthoughts in education, especially in schools where lots of kids are at risk of failing the subjects that are tested. But if we impose a new test, then (1) it becomes yet another way for students to fail, and (2) it encourages teachers to focus on the basic facts of government that are likely to be tested, even though there’s little evidence that learning these facts is motivating or that kids retain them later.

Project-based assessments are much more promising. Kids will have to do something with their civic knowledge, something that seems important to them. At a minimum, Tennessee’s bill is a very worthy experiment. The questions will be: What do kids learn? What kinds of instruction become common? And how reliable is the assessment?

If the experiment works out really well, then civics could cease to be an afterthought and could instead become an excellent means to assess general student performance. After all, if you can complete a complex project involving social issues and governance, you must have good academic skills.

Credit apparently belongs to the indefatigable Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, who met with two leading state legislators (Sen. Mark Norris and Rep. Kevin Brooks) earlier this year to encourage them to do something for civics. With the help of Janis Keyser, Executive Director of the Tennessee Center for Civic Learning & Engagement, the legislators wrote a really foresighted bill that passed in less than three months.

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where should college students vote?

(Chicago) I am here for a meeting about voting and education laws and how they affect youth. One issue is college students’ voting. If your family home is in one community, but you reside in another town while you attend college, you generally have a legal right to choose either of these places to vote.

Sometimes state officials try to discourage students from voting in their college towns by disseminating scary messages about the consequences. For instance, Maine warns that voting in that state means establishing residency there, and if you are a resident, you must transfer your driver’s license to Maine. “Driving without a Maine license more than 90 days after you have established residency in the state is a crime.” I am very suspicious of these messages, especially when they come without any notice that you have a right to vote where you attend college and that voting is a valued civic act.

But even though you have a legal right to choose where to vote, you should make the choice responsibly. Voting is always an ethical decision, because it doesn’t actually pay off for the individual. (Too many other people get to vote as well.) It only makes sense to vote for what you think is right. And for residential college students, a preliminary question is: where is it right to vote?

One approach would go like this. First, pick the party and candidates that are best for the country. Then cast your vote wherever is (a) legal and (b) most effective. For example, vote in a swing state if you have that choice. The core ethical question is whom to support; where to vote is just a means to that end.

If you do not happen to be a college student who has a choice about where to register, you should advocate for students on your side of the political debate to vote where it counts most, and you should hope that students on the other side are not so sophisticated.

That’s one way of looking at the matter. It neglects a different set of considerations. People are eligible to vote in their communities (not anywhere they choose) because they have a stake there. Decisions made at the community level affect them. They are supposed to exercise their citizenship in full—not just voting for presidential and congressional candidates but also following the local news, discussing issues, and participating in public work so that their experiences inform their political decisions.

If that’s your view of citizenship, then the primary question is where you are most informed and committed. This may either be your hometown or your college town. Which one is in a battleground state should not be a major consideration.

A 2004 survey suggested that undergraduates shift from generally registering at home in their freshman year to generally registering in their college towns as seniors. If they should vote where they are most committed and knowledgeable, that is an appropriate trend.

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Edmund Burke would vote Democratic

Edmund Burke stands for the proposition that the status quo is likely better than any ambitious reform. Even if current institutions are based on unjust or foolish general principles, they have gradually evolved as a result of many people’s deliberate work, so that they now embody some wisdom. People have accommodated themselves to the existing rules and structures, learned to live with them and plan around them, and have woven more complex wholes around the parts given by laws and theories. Meanwhile, proposed reforms are almost always flawed by limited information, ignorance of context, and downright arrogance. In politics, as in medicine, the chief principle should be: “First, do no harm.”

In any debate, the Burkean conservative position is worth serious consideration. I come down on that side pretty often. And given the alternatives, I almost always vote for the Burkean political party in the United States, which is the Democratic Party.

It is the Democrats, after all, whose main goal is to defend the public institutions built between 1900 and 1960: neighborhood public schools, state universities, regulated capital markets, federal health programs, science funding, affirmative action, and the like, against untested alternatives based in the abstract theories of neoliberalism. Importantly, Democrats defend existing institutions without heartily endorsing them. A typical Democratic position goes something like this: Neighborhood public schools are inequitable and sometimes oppressive, but they need our support because lots of teachers and families have invested in them, they are woven into communities, and the radical critiques of them are overblown.

What about health care reform? The actual reform of act of 2010 is classically Burkean in that it weaves together existing private and public institutions in an effort to prevent change (in the form of cost inflation) and fill a fraying gap in the existing system. To be sure, many grassroots Democrats wanted a more radical reform, a single-payer system. But that was an official plank of the Democratic Party platform starting in1948; it is unfinished business from a time when the party was still “progressive” in the root sense of pushing for progress.

What about gay rights and the redefinition of marriage? First of all, this is one of very few exceptions to the general Burkean inclination of the Democratic Party: a case where the Party does want something new. But the President himself holds an almost perfectly Burkean position on gay marriage: It will be OK when it comes, he doesn’t have a principled objection to it, but he doesn’t want to push it from Washington because society needs time to adjust to it, state by state. Local norms vary and deserve some deference.

The Burkean conservatism of the Democratic Party is not merely tactical, a way of staving off undesired change by playing defense. It has philosophical roots. On the center-left, after all, is where you encounter the strongest endorsements of indigenous cultures and traditions, of deference to community norms and assets. It’s also on the Democratic side where “sustainability” (i.e., preserving something that is) seems most attractive as a guiding principle, and where people are highly sensitive to fragility, unanticipated consequences, human arrogance. Conservation, preservation, and respect for tradition are in tension with the technocratic inclinations of the Party, but they represent a powerful current in center-left thought.

The most reflective and consistent recent American Burkean was Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. He opposed the War on Poverty in the 1960s because he thought it would destabilize communities and was based on arrogant abstractions dreamed up in academia. He then opposed the Reagan-era cuts in those programs on the same grounds. Another politician might have been blowing in the political winds, but Moynihan wrote rather extensively against both reforms on Burkean grounds. In the 1960s, he was marginal as a Democrat, excoriated by liberals and hired by Nixon. By the time he voted against Clinton’s welfare reform in 1996, he stood right at the heart of a now-Burkean party.

Aren’t the Republicans also conservative, in a Burkean sense? Maybe some are at the grassroots level, but the national party’s leaders seem eager to revolutionize America by adopting libertarian experiments. They often characterize their reforms as a return to the American past, but they mean the relatively distant past and its forgotten principles. The Paul Ryan budget would take us back to before the New Deal. Rick Santorum would move us back to before the sins of the 1960s. Burke never argued in favor of radical backward steps or original principles. It was the messy status quo, not the distant past, that attracted his respect.

I do not mean this post as a critique of the Democratic Party. I am often inclined to support the Burkean side in an argument. I do lament that our two parties are (respectively) Burkean conservative and right-radical. We would be better off if an ambitious, reformist left also existed to press for change. At least, we would be better off if people realized how the current political spectrum is arranged and voted accordingly. The choice is not really between left and right but between Burke/Hayek/Niebuhr conservatism and Milton Friedman/Antonin Scalia/William F. Buckley conservatism.

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Frontiers of Democracy II

July 19 (5pm)-July 21 (1 pm), at the Tufts University School of Medicine, 145 Harrison Ave., Boston MA
Register here  (Space is limited)

Both in the US and around the world we find ourselves in a dramatic period of civic awakening. We know this work and ideas under different names: public engagement, deliberative and participatory democracy, collaborative governance, educating for democracy and civic learning, public work, building social capital, and strengthening democracy. We promote it using diverse means; we think about it in diverse ways.

With a civic awakening all around us, in US, in the Arab world, in Russia and Burma, in India, Greece, Spain and Hungary, in many countries in Africa and Latin America, it is a good time to rethink what we have been doing and to formulate how it fits into and contributes to this larger effort. At this year’s Frontiers of Democracy II conference, we will consider a wide picture of work and ideas that support and promote civic vitality.

Frontiers II begins on Thursday, July 19 at 5 pm and ends at 1 pm on Saturday, July 21, 2012. This year, Frontiers will revolve around a diverse set of rehearsed 10-minute talks on aspects of civic studies and democratic renewal, each followed by small-group discussions. Confirmed speakers so far include:

  • Luz Santana, The Right Question Project
  • Martha McCoy, Everyday Democracy
  • Archon Fung, Harvard/Participedia
  • Eric Gordon, Engagement Game Lab
  • Amii Omara Otunnu, UNESCO Human Rights Chair, University of Connecticut
  • Peter Kiang, UMass-Boston
  • Kristen Cambell, National Conference on Citizenship
  • Lewis A. Friedland, University of Wisconsin

Participants will have ample opportunity to share ideas, strategies, and techniques with fellow practitioners and scholars.

Frontiers is brought to you by the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Citizenship and Public Service at Tufts University, The Deliberative Democracy Consortium, and The Democracy Imperative. It is a public conference that follows the Institute of Civic Studies, a small seminar that is now closed for 2012. It is the fourth in a series of annual conferences, the second to be entitled “Frontiers of Democracy.”

A separate pre-conference learning exchange on July 19 is entitled “Pedagogies of the Street–in the Classroom.”

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