Today was the White
House Forum on American History, Civics, and Service, a big event
in my field. Our Civic
Mission of Schools report was distributed to all 250 of the White
House’s guests and received a lot of attention.
The Forum exemplified official Washington. The President delivered
an especially prepared greeting from a gigantic video screen. Much was
made of his new initiative to support history teaching. The First Lady
and Lynne Cheney, guarded visibly by the Secret Service, made speeches;
and everyone stood each time one of these women took the podium. (Some
of the sanctity of high executive office transfers to spouses, apparently.)
Patriotic video montages of American history were displayed on the screen.
A huge reproduction of a manuscript copy of the Constitution was the backdrop
all day. Teenagers were paraded (silently) on stage and bedecked with
medalsquite literally. Speakers were introduced with long recitals
of their achievements; there was also much thanks to funders and assembled
dignataries. Almost all the speakers quoted at least one framer of the
Constitution (often deploying little-known and highly relevant quotesto
their credit). Martin Luther King Jr. was also cited widely; and many
sentimental stories were told about disadvantaged children. No one mentioned
the name of a political party or a major ideology, lest the spirit of
nonpartisanship be disturbed. There was general air of congratulation,
directed at the people and organizations in the room and at America itselfwith
one exception: at least half the speakers wagged their fingers at young
Americans today for their shocking ignorance of history.
My academic training makes me want to rebel against this kind of show.
I want to ask: What do we know about the trends in historical knowledge
over time? What do we know about the factors that make historical education
successful? What is the impact of a historical education, or of historical
knowledge, on people over their lifetimes? What will the impact of the
new presidential initiative be? (At $100 million over three years, it
represents a vanishingly small commitment in the context of the federal
budget.) Since there are competing grand narratives of American history,
how do we know which one is more correct? Is Howard Zinn’s story of greed
and violence (which was explicitly criticized during the session) false?
Is it less valid than the "moderate triumphalist" narrative
that one speaker recommended as an alternative? What are the effects of
such stories on youth development?
Notwithstanding all these questions and doubts, I recognize that public
institutions are not academic seminars. Mutual praise is oil that probably
has to be poured periodically over civil society. Vague statements of
commitment from the President of the United States are not empty; they
are useful ammunition in struggles at the local level. And leaders are
entitled to make a big deal about $100 million programs that they have
proposed. You would have to be a kind of political puritan to expect them
not to capitalize on the symbolism of such initiatives. It doesn’t only
take truth and critical debate to make large institutions run; they also
need symbolism, ritual, and even etiquette. Washington does these things
well.