the evolution of deliberation as a field

I made a presentation today at the Society

for Values in Higher Education’s conference at a beautiful rural retreat

in northwestern Connecticut. This was my outline:

Deliberation is a hot topic in philosophy, law, and political

science, generating shelves of books and articles. I believe that there

are three reasons for this:

  1. Until the 1960s, many scholars assumed that politics was mostly a

    struggle among groups with fixed interests. Often, groups’ goals were

    assumed to be selfish, although the really important point was that

    they were inflexible. Therefore, discussion, argument, and reason-giving

    were inconsequential. This was the Marxist view, but it was also the

    view of "pluralists" and "realists" in political

    science, many of whom were quite conservative. So it a broad ideological

    spectrum agreed that rhetoric was politically insignificant. Politics

    meant the deployment of power in competitive situations.

  2. Then the power of argument, persuasion, and rhetoric was rediscovered.

    But rhetoric is not always a good thing; people can be persuaded to

    hate others against their self-interests. Conceivably, a society of

    rational individuals who maximized their own interests would not be

    racist, since racism is irrational. People are persuaded to be

    racists.

    If persuasion is politically significant, but often harmful, then we

    clearly need to figure out how to improve it. "Improved talk"

    is a rough definition of "deliberation."

  3. Until the 1960’s, the positivist distinction between facts and values

    held sway in English-speaking countries. Facts were testable and debatable;

    values were just subjective matters of opinion. There was no debating

    morality.

    Then, around 1970, moral philosophy was revived, demonstrating that

    there can be powerful, rational arguments for moral conclusions. However,

    almost all contemporary political philosophers are democrats. They

    do not believe that philosophers can decide what is right by sitting

    in their studies and applying philosophical methods. This approach

    would be undemocratic; it would also be foolish, since good decisions

    require the input of many people with different backgrounds, values,

    and experiences.

    A belief in rational moral argument plus a belief in democratic

    participation yields a commitment to deliberation.

  4. "Civil society"—an old term—suddenly became hugely

    influential in the 1980s and 1990s, for various reasons. Definitions

    of "civil society" vary, but a core idea is that societies

    form "public opinion" in nongovernmental groups such as clubs,

    civic associations, newspapers, and political parties. This means that

    no public opinion can form at all where civil society has been suppressed

    or destroyed (e.g., in Iraq?). It also means that democracy depends

    upon having a good institutional base for civil society. Thus there

    has been a lot of research into what institutions support good discussions

    and valuable public opinion.

These three trends have led to a lot of research on two types of deliberation:

  1. Deliberation in formal, decision-making bodies such as legislatures,

    official juries, and appeals courts. The research mostly asks: "Do

    good arguments count in these fora?" and "How could we make

    them count more?"

  2. Society-wide deliberations occuring in civil society and the media,

    e.g., America’s discussion of gender-roles since the mid-1800s.

Meanwhile, there have been many interesting experiments that involve

actual citizen deliberations at modest scales outside of the government.

Many of the groups that promote such experiments are now gathered into

the

. Their work is influenced by the intellectual trends described above,

but it also continues an American tradition going back to the Chautauqua

Movement, the Freedom Schools of the Civil Rights Movement, etc.

These experiments have not been much studied. We need to ask: What is

the point of convening a group of citizens to discuss a public issue,

if the group is not a legislature or some other decision-making body?

What outcomes should we hope for from such experiments? Are they intrinsically

valuable, or only valuable as part of a movement that somehow "goes

to scale" or changes official institutions? What are the best ways

to structure citizens’ deliberations? And what makes them successful?