Monthly Archives: June 2013

educating voters in a time of political polarization

This post is cross-posted from the Democracy Fund blog. It’s one in a series of posts about our evaluations of initiatives funded by the Democracy Fund.

During the 2012 campaign season, the Democracy Fund’s grantees experimented with a wide range of strategies to educate and engage the public. Some produced videos and other educational content to directly inform the views of voters. Others worked with journalists to improve the information that the public receives through local and national media. In all cases, CIRCLE’s evaluations found that the public’s polarization made it significantly more difficult for these efforts to achieve their goals; polarized individuals often resisted the messages and opportunities offered to them.

Americans perceive the nation as deeply divided along political lines. In February 2013, according to the Bipartisan Policy Center, 76 percent of registered voters said that American politics had become more divisive lately and 74 percent believed that this trend was harmful. Academics disagree somewhat about the degree of polarization and whether it has become worse over time, but few doubt that political polarization can exacerbate fear and distrust, prevent people from understanding alternative perspectives and considering challenges to their own views, and reduce the chances of finding common ground.

The challenges of engaging polarized citizens emerged clearly in CIRCLE’s evaluations. For example, Flackcheck.org produced parody videos that taught viewers to reject deceptive campaign advertisements. In testing whether these videos were effective, we showed representative samples of Americans real campaign advertisements that we considered misleading. One example, “Obamaville,” produced by Rick Santorum’s campaign, displayed President Obama’s face alternating with that of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on a television screen in a post-apocalyptic setting:

More than 80% of Democrats but fewer than 20% of Republicans considered this video “invalid and very unfair.” Among the Republican viewers, some made comments like this:

  • “It does make him look like a threat…He is a threat to the United States and the well being of the people and welfare of our country…”

  • “Tells the truth about Obama”

  • “TO SHOW VERY CLEARLY WHAT OBAMA IS DOING AND TAKING THIS BEAUTIFUL COUNTRY! BELIEVE IN OBAMAVILLE”

We showed a different sample of respondents a MoveOn advertisement entitled “Tricky Mitt,” in which Mitt Romney’s image faded into Richard Nixon’s:

More than 70% of Republicans and less than 10% of Democrats considered that video “invalid and very unfair.” Some Democrats made critical comments about “Tricky Mitt” (e.g., “Accusatory, urges the viewer to associate guilt with Romney, not reflective of what I expect from politicians”), but many were positive about the video, saying things like this:

  • “Excellent”
  • “Entertaining and points out the crookedness of Romney”
  • “Giving us information that we didn’t know about. All true”
  • “I think it exposed the truth about Romney of what kind of person he really is.”

Essentially, people approved of ads that supported their own partisan position and criticized or invalidated ads that threatened their preexisting beliefs, although both ads we tested were deceptive.

We also evaluated Bloggingheads.TV videos, which showed pundits of opposite political persuasion taking part in civil discussions about controversial issues. We asked people who watched various videos a scale of questions that measured their openness to the other side. An example of a question in this scale was “I have revised my thinking on the issue.” Regardless of which video they watched, the strong partisans were always less open to deliberation.

Strongly polarized statements also emerged in many of the open-ended questions that CIRCLE asked of Democracy Fund grantees. For example, we asked a representative sample whether they ever shared political videos. Out of 195 respondents who chose to explain why they did so, 24% mentioned anti-Obama goals, often adding very strongly worded comments against the president. (“Obama confessing to being a Muslim”; “A black heavy set lady going on about Obama care, and that we should go ahead and work to pay for her insurance”; “Michelle Obama whispering to B.O., ‘all this over a flag!’”; “I come from a military family and I am extremely offended by the both of them. I have never seen a more un-American couple in the White House!”). Another 17% percent mentioned anti-Romney videos, often the Mother Jones video about the “47%.”

Some of the Democracy Fund grantees did not directly influence average citizens, but rather worked to support professionals in newspapers or broadcast stations. In general, these journalists, editors, and station managers seemed less prone to partisanship than average citizens. However, some reporters expressed skepticism about the neutrality of Flackcheck.org and wondered whether it had a partisan agenda. “I am suspicious of so-called non-partisan fact checkers,” one said. A broadcast station-manager, asked how he or she would react to being told that a given ad was misleading, said, “It would be difficult to determine the true nature of the intent [behind the criticism] or that the third party was indeed unbiased.”

These responses suggest that an atmosphere of polarization and distrust may create challenges even for organizations that work with nonpartisan professionals. Going forward, the Democracy Fund and its grantees may consider a range of possible strategies, such as:

  1. Focusing at least some attention on youth and young adults, since young people tend to be less committed to partisan and ideological views and still open to and interested in alternatives.

  2. Finding ways to get people of different ideological persuasions into sustained contact with each other, since simply knowing fellow citizens with different views makes it more difficult to stereotype and demonize them. Actually collaborating with diverse people on some kind of shared goal can be especially helpful.

  3. Experimenting with new messages and formats that educate polarized adults more effectively.

 

trust in science, by party, over time

scienceThe General Social Survey has twice asked national samples of adult Americans, “[Do] we trust too much in science and not enough in religious faith?” The graph shows the proportion of people who disagree, i.e., who support the amount of trust we place in science compared to religion. I show results for 1998 and 2008, for everyone and by party.

As might be expected, the party lines diverge, with Republicans becoming less favorable to science when the question is asked this way. To flip the question around, 36% of Republicans said in 2008 that we trusted in science too much, up from 33.5% in 1998. That does not mean that individuals changed their minds; more likely, the composition of the people who called themselves Republicans changed.

But what jumps out at me is actually the relatively high degree of consensus. The partisan difference (as of 2008) was not vast. The population had become more trustful of science, with the exception of Republicans–but the shift for them was small. A plurality of Republicans still shared the view that trust for science was appropriate.

By the way, I report these numbers without a strong implied value-judgment, since I have my own ambivalent feelings about trust in science, especially when it spills over to questions of ethics and justice.

(see also “Is all Truth Scientific Truth?” and “Building Alternative Intellectual Establishments.“)

Edward Snowden and the psychology of whistleblowing

(Washington, DC) After reading many speculative articles about the personality and personal ethics of Edward Snowden, I Googled the name “Fred Alford” to see if he had anything to say on the matter. That is because my former colleague literally wrote the book on Whistleblowers. His subtitle is “Broken Lives and Organizational Power,” and it’s a sad but insightful book. Whistleblowers are usually abandoned by co-workers and friends and defeated by the organizations they take on. They may sacrifice not only their jobs, but also their families. Some of their causes are truly noble, but just as often they are consumed by technical rule-violations, such a minor Medicare reimbursement violations. They are not concerned, Alford finds, about concrete other people. Some wish to avoid being polluted by belonging to an organization that lies. “Most do not talk about the others they are serving except in the most general terms, such as the ‘public.’ In this regard they are different from rescuers.” In situations of genocide, rescuers also act with courage and against the crowd, but they are moved by intense commitment to the individuals they save (p. 67).

David Brooks sees Snowden as an “atomistic” individual: “When a neighbor in Hawaii tried to introduce himself, Snowden cut him off and made it clear he wanted no neighborly relationships. … Though thoughtful, morally engaged and deeply committed to his beliefs, he appears to be a product of one of the more unfortunate trends of the age: the atomization of society, the loosening of social bonds …” Alford, who has almost the opposite normative orientation from Brooks, sees whistleblowers as existential rebels against pervasive and growing conformity.

But Alford also makes a wise point in a Salon piece: “Ultimately, Alford argued, we shouldn’t care what kind of a person a whistle-blower is. [Daniel] Ellsberg, he said, was ‘not necessarily the most saintly human being, but who cares?'” The question in each case is whether leaking was the right thing to do.

A Defense of Higher Education and its Civic Mission

I gave a plenary address by this title at last week’s American Democracy Project/The Democracy Commitment conference in Denver. I repeated a lot of what I had said in a North Carolina speech in February, but I updated and reframed that talk somewhat. Also, the questions from the floor were very good. The audio is here, and it includes the Q&A. My written text follows below the fold.

Continue reading

learning from the Democracy Fund’s early grants

(cross-posted from www.democracyfund.org) Last year, the Democracy Fund made a series of inaugural grants during the 2012 election that experimented with different approaches to informing voters, exposing them to alternative points of view, and reducing the influence of deceptive political communications. CIRCLE was asked to evaluate these projects in order to learn more about their reach and influence.  The evaluations were conducted by me and the rest of the CIRCLE team.

Two experiments involved disseminating videos online in order to change viewers’ responses to misleading or divisive political rhetoric:

  •     Flackcheck.org produced video parodies of deceptive campaign ads in order to immunize the public from the deceptions.
  •     Bloggingheads.tv produced videos featuring civil disagreement with the goal of increasing viewers’ respect for people with different points of view.

Two experiments involved convening selected citizens for some kind of discussion or interaction with peers:

  •     “Face the Facts” experimented with a variety of different methods for educating and engaging people about key facts, ranging from info-graphics to Google Hangouts. (This experiment was evaluated by Prof. John Gastil and Dave Brinker of Penn State University, on a subcontract from CIRCLE)
  •     The Healthy Democracy Fund’s “Citizens Initiative Reviews” asked small groups of citizens to make recommendations about pending ballot initiatives in Oregon and disseminated their recommendations to voters through the state’s official voter guide. (evaluated by John Gastil)

Three experiments involved helping or influencing professional journalists or media outlets to produce news that would serve the public better:

  •     Flackcheck’s “Stand by Your Ad” campaign urged broadcasters to reject deceptive campaign ads and encouraged local stations to run “ad watches”.
  •     The Columbia Journalism Review’s “Swing States Project” attempted to improve the quality of local media coverage of the election by commissioning local media critics to critique coverage.
  •     The Center for Public Integrity’s “Consider the Source” provided in-depth reporting on campaign finance issues.

In a series of blog posts over the coming weeks, we will share some of the findings that emerged from these evaluations. We will not focus on which particular interventions were effective, but rather on broad themes that are relevant for anyone who seeks to improve the quality of public engagement during a political campaign. The topics of our blog posts will be:

1. Educating Voters in a Time of Political Polarization

2. Supporting a Beleaguered News Industry

3. How to Reach a Large Scale with High-Quality Messages

4. Tell it Straight? The Advantages and Dangers of Parody

5. Educating the Public When People Don’t Trust Each Other

6. The Oregon Citizens Initiative Review

Stay tuned for the first of these six posts which will be coming soon. You can also join CIRCLE for an ongoing discussion of the posts using the hashtag #ChangeTheDialogue, as well as a live chat on Tuesday, June 25th at 2pm ET/1pm CT/11am PT.