Monthly Archives: December 2011

DemocracyU

The American Commonwealth Partnership (ACP), to be launched in January, is an initiative of the White House Office of Public Engagement, the Association of American Colleges and Universities,  the Department of Education, and supportive partners such as the  American Democracy Project, The Democracy Commitment, NERCHE, the National Conference on Citizenship, Campus Compact, and the Anchor Institutions Task Force (see Tim Eatman’s summary).

Today, the ACP unveiled a website called DemocracyU that’s devoted to presenting students’ personal stories of civic activism, plus discussion and debate on the evolving role of university and college students in engaging in public work that benefits society. The website will be hosted on CIRCLE’s site, as our contribution to the effort. It links to a new blog on which some of my friends have already contributed.

jobs in civic engagement

(Dayton Airport) As the latest installment of an occasional feature, here are some job openings that involve civic engagement:

badges for civic skills (round 2)

(Dayton, OH) We have made it to Round Two of the Digital Media and Learning competition, with our proposal to award portable badges to students who are properly prepared to serve in communities outside their schools and colleges. There are several other “civic” proposals in Round Two, including proposals by organizations with which we have worked closely: iCivics and TakingITGlobal, plus others we admire as well. As I’ve argued before, this “badging” idea has a lot of potential for civic education and engagement.

teaching evolution, creationism, Intelligent Design

At yesterday’s Berkman Center forum on Civic Education in a Connected World, Jonathan Zittrain proposed that we should teach the controversy about evolution in science classes as a form of civic education–to teach kids to deal with disagreements.

That’s actually a proposal that I have made on the blog. It means introducing students to the perspectives held by their fellow American citizens: evolution, creationism, and Intelligent Design. It is a controversial suggestion from several angles. It implies teaching students that something is a controversy when it’s not controversial among academic scientists. It means subjecting all three theories to critical review, which could be detrimental to Intelligent Design. (I presume that creationism is somewhat immune because it can rest on faith and revelation.) Finally, it means introducing two theories whose basis is theological into public school classrooms, notwithstanding the First Amendment.

But I think the alternatives are worse. We can restrict all discussion in schools to evolution, implying that the state is committed to a scientific way of thinking about the world, and the state’s agent (the teacher) is unable to respond to arguments in favor of alternatives. Or we can legally require the schools to teach that evolution is correct and creationism and Intelligent Design are false, thus taking a side in a basic debate about faith. Among the other unfortunate consequences of that strategy would be alienate large numbers of people from the public schools.

Yet another alternative is to keep creationism and Intelligent Design out of science classes but introduce them in social studies/civics. Indeed, that is a trend.* I don’t think it solves any problems (because the distinction would be lost on most students) and it creates the problem that social studies teachers would have to deal with yet another hot button topic for which many are are not well prepared.

One colleague at the Berkman event said that to teach creationism as a controversial theory would be like teaching astrology as an option for students to consider. I’d offer a different analogy. If you start with the assumption that schools should teach science and deprecate all supernatural explanations of natural phenomena, then you should conclude that schools ought to teach atheism.

Hardly anyone cares about astrology, whereas large majorities are committed to theistic religions. Clearly, large majorities can be wrong, and students should learn the truth. But if people have moral standing as fellow members of our community, then the fact that many of them hold a given view is a reason to discuss it with some respect. To say that students should only study and discuss the truth in public schools is all very well–if you are certain you have the truth. Fundamentalists are prone to think in those terms, and we denounce them as uncivil.

One could develop a curriculum that was entirely scientific, meaning that everything to be discussed had or could have strong naturalistic evidence. In that kind of curriculum, we would not teach creationism or Intelligent Design (or theism). Nor would we teach that human beings have rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness–for what evidence do those rights rest on?

I am not a moral relativist or moral skeptic: the ethics of the Declaration of Independence are far superior to the ethics of the Fascist Party. But I am also not a naturalist who believes that everything true can be based on observation and experiment. Moral worldviews seem to me complex networks of commitments, emotions, traditions, and beliefs. Some of the worthy worldviews are theistic: a story about God plays an important role. The ones that are not theistic have their own faith commitments. We ought to teach ethics and we certainly ought to encourage the discussion of ethics in schools. But if that’s true, we cannot have a curriculum reduced to science.

In a subtle and thoughtful essay on the same topic, the University of Virginia biologist Douglas Taylor recalls an episode from one of his college classes. He had just presented very strong empirical evidence for evolution and remarked:

I found it difficult to understand how given such clear narrative evidence, anyone could doubt the existence of the evolutionary process. “Of course,” I reassured the students, “I am not insulting those among you who don’t believe in evolution,” But then I paused and said, “Wait, what am I saying, yes I am!”*

Taylor thinks scientists should boldly teach evolution as superior to the alternatives. That implies open discussion of the issue, but no neutrality on the teacher’s part. He rejects stereotypes of rational, intellectual academics versus the ignorant public, noting that universities act badly, and in any case, stereotypes would violate the scientific spirit. He tries to steer a course between two false ways of teaching about evolution and other important issues: “I have the answer” and “There is no answer.” The former is a misconception of science, which is about creativity, skepticism, and change. The latter emerges “from within the intellectual establishment,” which has supported various invidious forms of relativism and skepticism.

Taylor writes, “It is neither plausible nor desirable to make everything and everyone scientific, but an appreciation of reason and evidence as means to arrive at one’s convictions is part of the basic skill set for an enlightened culture.”  Right, but “skill sets” can be used for good or evil. Knowing the good is not itself a scientific achievement; and therefore not everything we teach can be science. That doesn’t imply that we should introduce creationism into high school biology classes, but it suggests that the issue is at least complicated. And therefore maybe we should let our kids wrestle with the complications.

*Hess, Diana, “Should Intelligent Design Be Taught in Social Studies Courses?” Social Education 70, no. 1 (January/February 2006).

**Douglas Taylor, “Science, Enlightenment, and Intellectual Tensions in Higher Education,” in Ellen Condliffe Lagemann and Harry Lewis, What is College For? The Public Purpose of Higher Education (Teacher’s College Press, 2012)

the new voter ID laws

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

I will be on MSNBC for a few minutes between 2 pm and 3 pm Eastern today, talking about the new voter ID requirements that are passing state legislatures. By my count, 11 states require or will soon require voters to show photo identification at the polls (Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Wisconsin). Eight of those states (Alabama, Kansas, Mississippi, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Wisconsin) added or tightened their requirements this year. Similar requirements are pending in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Governors in five states vetoed ID requirements recently (North Carolina, Montana, Missouri, Minnesota and New Hampshire).

Our election process is already cumbersome and difficult: the very opposite of “customer-friendly.” What business would require you to register for a service months before you were able to receive it–without contacting you before the deadline–and then allow you to get the service only if you showed up in person during specified hours during one particular weekday? A business might handle an extreme shortage that way, but voting is supposed to be for everyone.

A photo ID requirement doesn’t create an extra hurdle for people who already carry driver’s licenses, but at least 10 percent of American citizens do not. Most suburbanites get their licenses when they are sixteen, but most young urban residents do not. Only about one in four young African American adults in the city of Milwaukee hold driver’s licenses (PDF). Whole categories of people, such as individuals who can’t afford to drive or whose disabilities prevent them from driving, do not typically carry state photo ID. They can obtain state ID even if they cannot drive, but that costs money in most states and always adds a third chore to the voting process (getting ID, registering, and then voting).

We have reviewed the empirical studies of existing voter ID laws and found small estimates of the actual effect on turnout: from statistically insignificant to 2.9%. (Alvarez, Bailey, & Katz, 2007; Vercellotti & Anderson, 2006; Eagleton Institute of Politics and Moritz College of Law, 2006; Pastor et al., 2008; Ansolabhere, 2007; Mycoff et al., 2009). Americans should hope that the effects of the new laws will, in fact, be small. On the other hand, the published studies are correlational and based on relatively rare and idiosyncratic laws. The effects of widespread, very tight laws may be worse. Also, if whole subpopulations lack photo ID and yet voter ID requirements do not statistically reduce their turnout, that’s because their turnout is very low already. It is unconscionable to put a legal ceiling on their participation.

There is no need for these new laws. People hardly ever commit voter fraud by showing up at the polls to cast ineligible ballots. You would risk a felony conviction for trying that, and for what? To add one vote to your favorite candidate’s total? Most people vote out of civic duty or group solidarity, not for direct personal benefit. There were four documented instances of ineligible voters trying to vote in Ohio in 2002 and 2004–out of 9 million votes cast (PDF).

As a matter of principle, I do not attribute motives to people without lots of evidence. So I do not know why these voter ID laws are so popular among state legislators–especially Republicans, although in Rhode Island, Democrats enacted the new rules. Perhaps legislators genuinely fear voter fraud or are responding to public pressure for new rules. (There is grassroots pressure, as you can tell from listening to conservative talk radio.) The worst motive, of course, would be to disenfranchise your political opponents, and at least one legislator is on the record with that goal: “New Hampshire House Speaker William O’Brien, a Republican, told a tea party group that allowing people to register and vote on Election Day led to ‘the kids coming out of the schools and basically doing what I did when I was a kid, which is voting as a liberal. That’s what kids do — they don’t have life experience, and they just vote their feelings.'”