Monthly Archives: September 2011

the economic consequences of civic engagement

unemplyment report cover “Civic Health and Unemployment: Can Engagement Strengthen the Economy?” That is the title of a new report that we released today with the National Conference on Citizenship, Civic Enterprises, the Saguaro Seminar, and the National Constitution Center.

We ran a regression with all the major economic factors thought to explain changes in employment in recent years. That model explained about 28% of the variance in unemployment at the state level. We then added civic engagement measures. The new model explained 64% of the variance. Several civic measures—notably volunteering, working with neighbors, and attending meetings—were statistically significant and strong predictors of unemployment change; none of the individual economic factors retained their significance.

In short, the more civic engagement, the less unemployment. Some of the details are interesting as well. For example, newspaper reading is a positive predictor, although it just missed being statistically significant in the final model that we chose to use. But television and internet news consumption were negative predictors, to statistically significant degrees. More couch potatoes=more unemployment.

The report offers many caveats and is written–appropriately–in a very cautious style. But if we had chosen to play by Beltway Rules, we would have simply said that civic engagement is the underlying factor responsible for how states have weathered the recession. That theory at least deserves more attention. It seems plausible to us because:

  • Participation in civil society can develop skills, confidence, and habits that make individuals employable and strengthen the networks that help them to find jobs
  • People get jobs through social networks (online and offline)
  • Participation in civil society spreads information relevant to investors and workers
  • Participation in civil society is strongly correlated with trust in other people, and people who trust others are more likely to invest and hire
  • Communities and political jurisdictions with stronger civil societies are more likely to have good governments
  • Civic engagement can encourage people to feel attached to their communities

The report concludes:

Even at a time when the global economy has been buffeted by strong and dangerous forces, all communities have capital and skills that can be deployed to create or preserve jobs. Investors may be more willing to create jobs locally if they trust other people and the local government, if they feel attached to their community, if they know about opportunities and can disseminate information efficiently, and if they feel that the local workforce is skilled. All these factors correlate with civic engagement. Those correlations, plus the other evidence cited in this report, lend some plausibility to the thesis that civic health matters for economic resilience.

Guardian of Democracy: The Civic Mission of Schools

(Philadelphia) I am at the National Constitution Center to help release Guardian of Democracy, a successor report to The Civic Mission of Schools, which CIRCLE and Carnegie Corporation of New York released in 2003. The original report became the charter document of the Campaign for the Civic Mission of Schools, the nation’s leading advocacy campaign in civics. Guardian of Democracy reflects another eight years of research, experience, and organizing. Many people were involved in producing the new report, which I consider the guide to policy for civic education.

Teaching America: The Case for Civic Education

Teaching America coverTeaching America is a new book organized and edited by David Feith with chapters by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, Senators Kyl and Graham, former Education Secretary Rod Paige, “Instapundit” Glenn Reynolds, and more than a dozen other authors. I contribute the last chapter, “Letter to Persident Obama: A Policy Approach for the Federal Government.”

As might be expected, the chapters are richly diverse. There are implicit debates about, for example, the centrality of factual knowledge versus democratic skills or values. (Which values are desirable is also a running question.) Some authors are upset that the government takes too little responsibility for civic education, while others are more concerned about the dangers of indoctrination.

I’m not sure how consistent my policy recommendations are with the preceding chapters of diagnosis and critique. I argue that we already require civic education–with a strong focus on concrete facts about the American political system. As a result, students don’t perform badly on tests of that material. But we tolerate vast gaps in civic knowledge and skills by socioeconomic status, and many of our courses and curricula are ineffective at boosting active, responsible, independent citizenship. Thus the important functions of government are to invest in innovation and evaluation and to develop new forms of assessment that encourage students to collaborate and deliberate–not just record their individual knowledge on a test. Two specific proposals for assessment are worth trying: (1) requiring students to show what they can do on a computerized, game-like simulation of a social problem, and (2) asking students to record the opportunities for civic learning that their schools make available to them.

how the new media landscape actually shifts power to government

In an interesting talk yesterday, Steven Waldman drew attention to a study of the changing news environment in Baltimore, MD conducted by The Pew Research Center. In that city, the number of news outlets has proliferated to 53 “radio talk shows, … blogs, specialized new outlets, new media sites, TV stations, radio news programs, newspapers and their various legacy media websites.”  But the number of reporters has fallen–fast. That means that there is more written and spoken text about the news, but it is highly repetitive. A search of six major news topics found that 83% of the articles and blog posts repeated the same material–perhaps sometimes with commentary–and more than half of the original text came from paid print media such as the Baltimore Sun.

Because the Sun and the local TV stations have cut reporters, they produce many fewer articles than they did ten years ago. They also have smaller budgets for what is called “enterprise reporting” (digging to find new information not already in the public domain). This trend has the somewhat surprising result that city governments and other official institutions now have more, rather than less, control over the news.

As news is posted faster, often with little enterprise reporting added, the official version of events is becoming more important. We found official press releases often appear word for word in first accounts of events, though often not noted as such.

You might think that with 53 news outlets in a city like Baltimore, the news environment would have become more diverse and free. But if most of the text in these news outlets comes verbatim from government press releases, the public sphere is actually weaker. It’s not much help if many of the 53 outlets adopt critical, skeptical, or even hostile editorial stances. They are still allowing the government to set the agenda and define the facts. They are just adding some commentary.

A.R. Ammons: Corsons Inlet

A.R. Ammons’ long poem “Corsons Inlet” reports a morning’s walk near a beach in New Jersey. It begins matter-of-factly, “I went for a walk over the dunes again this morning,” and the first stanza summarizes the itinerary. Although it reads like a diary entry, the poem is also a manifesto for a particular kind of free verse in which there will be:

… no forcing of image, plan,
or thought:
no propaganda, no humbling of reality to  precept.

The American city, with its rectangular blocks and buildings, represents thought as organized, articulated, and linear. In the city, nature has been humbled to design. Similarly, in a sonnet or a villanelle, language has been forced into a form. But Ammons reports that on the Jersey shore,

I was released from forms,
from the perpendiculars,
      straight lines, blocks, boxes, binds
of thought
into the hues, shadings, rises, flowing bends and blends
               of sight:

 

The narrator offers precise observations about changes that occur gradually. For instance, a dune is really different from a creek, but there is no point where one turns to the other. The “transition is clear / as any sharpness: but ‘sharpness’ spread out … ”

The poem’s layout–with its ragged margins and sudden blank lines–resembles the shapes of nature on a sandy coastline on a muggy, hazy day. On the dunes, and elsewhere “in nature there are few sharp lines.”

If the poem were all about vagueness, it would be dull. And if nature were truly formless, it could not be captured in words, no matter how loose and free. But Ammons detects tight order at small scales. The order turns blurry only from further away–a model for his own poetic form.

in the smaller view, order tight with shape:
blue tiny flowers on a leafless weed: carapace of crab:
snail shell:
            pulsations of order
            in the bellies of minnows: orders swallowed,
broken down, transferred through membranes
to strengthen larger orders: but in the large view, no
lines or changeless shapes: the working in and out, together
            and against, of millions of events: this,
                         so that I make
                         no form of
                         formlessness:

 

“Carapace of crab” is a fragment of tightly observed, onomatopoeic, self-conscious verse, but it is adrift in a larger poem whose form is loose and impressionistic.

I have cited examples of vagueness in space. Ammons is also interested in  vagueness over time.

thousands of tree swallows
               gathering for flight:
               an order held
               in constant change: a congregation
rich with entropy: nevertheless, separable, noticeable
          as one event,
                      not chaos: preparations for
flight from winter, …

 

As someone who once wrote a whole long poem about entropy, I am especially interested in this passage. I had treated disorder as problematic, both morally and aesthetically. For Ammons’ narrator, receptivity to vagueness and resistance to distinctions are not just valid aesthetic choices, but also moral imperatives. He identifies structure with “propaganda” and even “terror” (political words) but reports his acceptance of nature:

I have reached no conclusions, have erected no boundaries,
shutting out and shutting in, separating inside
          from outside: I have
          drawn no lines:
 …
so I am willing to go along, to accept
the becoming

thought