Monthly Archives: September 2003

the Iowa political futures market

A well-known experiment, run by Iowa

Electronic Markets, allows traders to place bets on the outcome

of political elections, including the current California governor’s

race. According to a paper

by Joyce Berg and others, the Iowa Political Market has

outperformed polls in predicting 9 out of 15 elections. Its

average error in predicting election results is about 1.5%, compared

to about 2% for an average poll. In some past elections, the Market

avoided major errors that marred all the major national surveys, whereas

it has never made a gross mistake itself. The apparently uncanny ability

of the Iowa Electronic Market to predict the future was one of the

reasons that the Defense Department recently floated the grisly idea

of a futures market in terrorism.

I’m struggling to understand the theoretical explanation for this

phenomenon. I realize that markets efficiently aggegrate the knowledge

of investors (who must try to make honest predictions, since their

money is on the line). But where do the investors in a political futures

market get their knowledge? They cannot simply ask themselves

how they intend to vote. As Berg et al. note, traders are "not

a representative sample of likely voters; they are overwhelmingly

male, well-educated, high income, and young" (p. 2). Some are

not even US residents. Thus their own choices in the real election,

assuming they vote at all, will be very different from those of the

American people. Yet they seem to be able to predict the actual result

more accurately than a random-digit telephone poll.

One clue is that a relatively small number of "marginal traders"

drive the market; they make many more trades than other people and

are less prone to sticking with an unlikely bet out of loyalty. I

would guess that these "marginal traders" are political

junkies: people who have no sentimental attachment to any of the candidates

but love to prognosticate about elections. We can assume that they

have seen all the polls—but that still doesn’t explain how they

outperform surveys on average. Could it be that they instinctively

recognize a consistent error in polling, and adjust accordingly? For

example, maybe polls tend to pick the real winner but predict a larger

margin of victory than actually occurs. (Races tend to "tighten"

right at the end.) Or maybe polls tend to make inflated predictions

for the Democrats’ share of the vote, because they count too many

low-income people as "likely voters." It’s also possible

that the marginal traders rely on one or two polls that are better

than the average. (Then we would find that the market outperformed

polls in general, but was no more accurate than the best of the polls.)

These are hypotheses backed with no evidence. But if one of them

turns out to be true, then we don’t need a market to improve on surveys.

We just need to make the same adjustment to poll results that the

marginal traders (a.k.a., the political junkies) are making. Likewise,

we would not benefit from a futures market in terrorism, but we should

strive to understand how the best informed and least sentimental observers

of terrorism make their predictions.

GWB on an aircraft carrier

I bet that a year from now, we’ll be viewing 30-second spots

that show the president landing on an aircraft carrier decked

with "Mission Accomplished" banners. The question is: Who

will be running the ads? If they’re Republican spots, it will mean

that the president is in pretty good shape. If they’re Democratic

(or independent, labor or environmental ads), then he’s in a close

race or heading for defeat.

civic ed does work

James B. Murphy, a Dartmouth political scientist, has an article

in Education Next in which

he invokes very old research that found no benefits from civic education.

He concedes that newer research shows that civic education enhances

students’ knowledge, but not (he claims) their civic attitudes.

All the empirical experts in this field disagree. (Like me, Professor

Murphy is a political theorist, not an empiricist.) The empirical

folks claim that there were specific flaws in the 1960’s research

that reached skeptical conclusions about civics. They cite more recent

evidence, including massive, test-like assessments and numerous program

evaluations, that show that civic education programs do improve attitudes,

knowledge, skills, and behaviors. Not only government classes, but

also moderated discussions of controversial issues, extracurricular

activities, and service-learning programs make a demonstrable difference.

We summarized the leading evidence in the Civic

Mission of Schools. I can imagine someone going over this newer

material with a fine-toothed comb and detecting places where the case

is not closed. For example, I don’t think we can be sure that the

knowledge gains that result from taking government classes persist

into adulthood. But I cannot imagine citing Jennings and Langton (1968)

as if that study remained relevant today.

does the Left care about Alabama?

Alabama Governor Bob Riley is a very conservative Republican who is now fighting tooth-and-nail to rise taxes, increase school spending, and make the tax system more progressive. Currently, the effective tax rate on Alabama’s poorest citizens is about 10 percent of income; on the richest, it is less than 4 percent. Gov. Riley has decided that this is not What Jesus Would Do.

I think there are three crucial reasons why people on the left of center (the Civil Rights organizations, liberal Democrats, MoveOn, and others) should be rushing to Alabama and making a hero out of Gov. Riley:

  • His proposal will lose without organized support on the left, butit could win with such support. Current polls show that Riley is getting only 27 percent support in households that earn less than $30,000, and only 44 percent of African Americans support the reforms. Poor people and people of color in Alabama are suspicious of government and especially of a Republican governor—understandably so. But they could be persuaded that the Riley plan is directly and powerfully in their interests. Imagine the effect, for example, of a Bill Clinton endorsement on Black radio stations.
  • Changing Alabama’s tax code matters. There are 4.49 million souls in that state. Their tax code is deeply unfair, and their schools are terrible because of under-funding. The difference between passage and defeat for the Riley proposal is much more important than, say, the difference between a Schwartzenegger or a Davis victory in California.
  • There is a potential to form a new coalition including African Americans, liberals, and some white evangelical Christians. There is no reason that white evangelicals should favor libertarian economic policies. Typically, their parents voted for FDR, and they should vote for equitable taxation. People like Gov. Riley are driven by principle. Their principles are wrong, in my opinion, when they consider such matters as whether the Ten Commandments should be engraved on huge boulders in courthouses. But they are principled people, and they could be persuaded to move left on economic matters. As Gov. Riley says,”According to our Christian ethics, we’re supposed to love God, love each other and help take care of the poor. It is immoral to charge somebody making $5,000 an income tax.”

So why aren’t the liberal national organizations running ads in Alabama?

My hunch is: they don’t want a Republican to get a “win,” and they’re not paying attention to a Southern state because they live on the East and West Coasts and wrote off Dixie long ago. If

I’m right, shame on them.

[Discussing this topic with colleagues today, I learned that Peter Beinart makes a very similar argument in an article entitled “Eyes on the Prize” in the New Republic (08/29/03). His article is very good, although it only chastises the civil rights organizations. I would think that other liberal groups are equally remiss.]

creation, not redistribution

I’m increasingly dissatisfied with programs to redistribute

wealth from the rich to the poor. To be sure, redistribution

can increase aggregate happiness and opportunity, since an extra dollar

makes much more of a difference to a poor person than to a rich one.

Also, there is some evidence that inequality

reduces health and longevity (regardless of the total amount of

wealth in the society). Nevertheless, I think that aiming for more

redistribution is politically foolish, since a majority of American

households are now wealthy enough that they do not imagine themselves

as the beneficiaries. Even some of those who might benefit from redistribution

consider it undesirable. It’s coercive; it’s divisive; it may be economically

inefficient (at best, it’s zero-sum); and it makes the recipient feel

beholden and dependent.

The alternative would be to increase people’s opportunities

to become creators of wealth. There could be two parts to

this agenda. First, we could strive to lower barriers to entrepreneurship.

This is a Republican goal, identified especially with Jack Kemp (who

has done good work). The problem is the standard Republican solution,

which boils down to tax cuts. Cutting taxes does nothing to increase

opportunities for people who don’t have much money to start with.

The Hope Street Group,

an organization of business executives, is working on much more serious

ideas for expanding real economic opportunity. They say:

"Equality of opportunity" is the notion that all Americans

should get a genuine chance to make the most of their talents and

efforts to benefit themselves, their families, and their communities.

It requires that children have the educational opportunities that

allow them to realize their own potential. It requires fair access

to job markets, capital markets, and the home market. It requires

that government lighten the burden of those who are just beginning

to build up their earning power and their savings. It requires a

system in which people can bounce back from failure, so that they’re

not afraid to take risks and to invest in themselves in the first

place.

While helping more everyone to contribute to the market economy,

we could also increase citizens’ opportunities to make public

goods. To do this, we would encourage public service by expanding

(rather than brutally cutting) Americorps; by opening new routes into

professions such as teaching and nursing; and by making such professions

more desirable and satisfying. Indeed, we would encourage all

the learned professions to recover their civic and public purposes.

And we would increase public contributions to the government itself,

for instance by asking citizens to collect GIS data on environmental

issues, or by assigning important regulatory issues to citizen juries.

Not all public goods are created in the state sector. For example,

as I’ve argued in several articles (for instance, this

one), there is a "digital commons" composed of the protocols,

the open-source software, and the free webpages of the Internet. The

Internet was built by volunteers, including teenagers and poor immigrants;

by nonprofit associations; by the government; by profit-seeking entrepreneurs;

and my major corporations. All these players were doing what Harry

Boyte calls "public work,"

that is, working together to build an accessible public good. The

Internet commons is now in grave danger from several directions (spammers

and virus-makers, corporate monopolists, government censors). However,

groups such as the New

America Foundation have lots of concrete ideas about how to expand

and protect the Internet and other public assets.

Putting all these policies together, we could have a movement

whose goal would be to make everyone a creator of wealth.