{"id":4670,"date":"2005-03-07T10:01:33","date_gmt":"2005-03-07T10:01:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/?p=4670"},"modified":"2005-03-07T10:01:33","modified_gmt":"2005-03-07T10:01:33","slug":"youth-civic-engagement-an-institutional-turn","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/?p=4670","title":{"rendered":"youth civic engagement: an &#8220;institutional turn&#8221;"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Maybe every generation in every democracy gives its elders reasons to worry about the future. Citizens are made, not born; each generation needs deliberate, critical guidance from the older ones.<\/p>\n<p>Looking at recent trends in the US, we see particular problems, including: a steep decline in youth interest in public affairs (<a href=\"http:\/\/www.civicyouth.org\/PopUps\/news_interest.htm\">graph<\/a>); <a href=\"http:\/\/www.civicyouth.org\/quick\/civic_ed.htm\">low levels of knowledge<\/a>; <a href=\"http:\/\/www.civicyouth.org\/research\/products\/national_youth_survey.htm\">widespread skepticism <\/a>that it is possible to make a positive difference; and a decline in youth turnout of about one third (<a href=\"http:\/\/www.civicyouth.org\/research\/products\/fact_sheets_outside.htm\">pdf<\/a>) until the uptick last November. (As a discrete act, voting can be over-emphasized; but it is a useful proxy for knowledge, connectedness, and commitment.)<\/p>\n<p>I see two basic ways to interpret these trends and respond to them. One is to assume that there is something wrong with the pyschology of young people: their knowledge, skills, and values. These deficits may not be their fault; we can blame schools, the media, parents, and others. But the deficits are located inside young people&#8217;s heads (so to speak). If that&#8217;s the situation, then we should be interested in the efficiency of various &#8220;interventions&#8221;&#8211;civic education programs, community service opportunities, or voter-canvassing drives&#8211;to change young people&#8217;s psychology while they are still in a formative stage of life.<\/p>\n<p>The other &#8220;model&#8221; assumes that the problem is not inside youth&#8217;s heads, but in major institutions that are not worthy of being engaged. For example, maybe <a href=\"http:\/\/www.civicyouth.org\/research\/areas\/news_media.htm\">kids don&#8217;t read newspapers<\/a> because newspapers aren&#8217;t that great to read. Maybe they don&#8217;t vote because the vast majority of elections are decided when the districts are drawn. Maybe they aren&#8217;t interested in &#8220;public affairs&#8221; because public issues are not being framed in useful ways.<\/p>\n<p>In this model, youth attitudes, knowledge, and skills are not simply &#8220;dependent variables&#8221; that should be raised as much as possible through interventions such as &#8220;civic ed.&#8221; They are rather (or partly) symptoms of a need for deeper social change.<\/p>\n<p>There may nevertheless be arguments in favor of programs that work directly on young people&#8217;s minds and hearts. It is easier to change social studies than reform politics. Thus if we can enhance civic skills through better social-studies education, maybe we can help the next generation to press for political reform (on its own terms, not ours). Or if we can raise youth turnout through get-out-the-vote efforts, which seems to have happened in &#8217;04, then maybe we can create a more competitive and unpredictable electorate, thereby changing campaigns and politics. Nevertheless, working on kids&#8217; pyschology is an indirect strategy, and it&#8217;s worth constantly asking two more basic questions: What kind of polity is worthy of full engagement? And how do we get there?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Maybe every generation in every democracy gives its elders reasons to worry about the future. Citizens are made, not born; each generation needs deliberate, critical guidance from the older ones. Looking at recent trends in the US, we see particular problems, including: a steep decline in youth interest in public affairs (graph); low levels of [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4670","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4670","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4670"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4670\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4670"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4670"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4670"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}