{"id":4171,"date":"2003-04-02T12:16:32","date_gmt":"2003-04-02T12:16:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/?p=4171"},"modified":"2003-04-02T12:16:32","modified_gmt":"2003-04-02T12:16:32","slug":"the-evolution-of-deliberation-as-a-field","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/?p=4171","title":{"rendered":"the evolution of deliberation as a field"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>I made a presentation today at the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.svhe.org\/\">Society<\/p>\n<p>for Values in Higher Education&#8217;s<\/a> conference at a beautiful rural retreat<\/p>\n<p>in northwestern Connecticut. This was my outline:<\/p>\n<p><b>Deliberation is a hot topic <\/b>in philosophy, law, and political<\/p>\n<p>science, generating shelves of books and articles. I believe that there<\/p>\n<p>are three reasons for this:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>Until the 1960s, many scholars assumed that politics was mostly a\n<p>struggle among groups with fixed interests. Often, groups&#8217; goals were<\/p>\n<p>assumed to be selfish, although the really important point was that<\/p>\n<p>they were inflexible. Therefore, discussion, argument, and reason-giving<\/p>\n<p>were inconsequential. This was the Marxist view, but it was also the<\/p>\n<p>view of &quot;pluralists&quot; and &quot;realists&quot; in political<\/p>\n<p>science, many of whom were quite conservative. So it a broad ideological<\/p>\n<p>spectrum agreed that rhetoric was politically insignificant. Politics<\/p>\n<p>meant the deployment of power in competitive situations.<\/li>\n<p>Then the power of argument, persuasion, and rhetoric was rediscovered.<\/p>\n<p>But rhetoric is not always a good thing; people can be persuaded to<\/p>\n<p>hate others against their self-interests. Conceivably, a society of<\/p>\n<p>rational individuals who maximized their own interests would not be<\/p>\n<p>racist, since racism is irrational. People are <i>persuaded<\/i> to be<\/p>\n<p>racists.<\/p>\n<p>If persuasion is politically significant, but often harmful, then we<\/p>\n<p>clearly need to figure out how to improve it. &quot;Improved talk&quot;<\/p>\n<p>is a rough definition of &quot;deliberation.&quot;<\/p>\n<li>Until the 1960&#8217;s, the positivist distinction between facts and values\n<p>held sway in English-speaking countries. Facts were testable and debatable;<\/p>\n<p>values were just subjective matters of opinion. There was no debating<\/p>\n<p>morality.<\/p>\n<p>Then, around 1970, moral philosophy was revived, demonstrating that<\/p>\n<p>there can be powerful, rational arguments for moral conclusions. However,<\/p>\n<p>almost all contemporary political philosophers are democrats. They<\/p>\n<p>do not believe that philosophers can decide what is right by sitting<\/p>\n<p>in their studies and applying philosophical methods. This approach<\/p>\n<p>would be undemocratic; it would also be foolish, since good decisions<\/p>\n<p>require the input of many people with different backgrounds, values,<\/p>\n<p>and experiences. <\/p>\n<p>A belief in rational moral argument <i>plus <\/i>a belief in democratic<\/p>\n<p>participation <i>yields <\/i>a commitment to deliberation.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>&quot;Civil society&quot;&#151;an old term&#151;suddenly became hugely\n<p>influential in the 1980s and 1990s, for various reasons. Definitions<\/p>\n<p>of &quot;civil society&quot; vary, but a core idea is that societies<\/p>\n<p>form &quot;public opinion&quot; in nongovernmental groups such as clubs,<\/p>\n<p>civic associations, newspapers, and political parties. This means that<\/p>\n<p>no public opinion can form at all where civil society has been suppressed<\/p>\n<p>or destroyed (e.g., in Iraq?). It also means that democracy depends<\/p>\n<p>upon having a good institutional base for civil society. Thus there<\/p>\n<p>has been a lot of research into what institutions support good discussions<\/p>\n<p>and valuable public opinion.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>These three trends have led to a lot of research on two types of deliberation:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>Deliberation in formal, decision-making bodies such as legislatures,\n<p>official juries, and appeals courts. The research mostly asks: &quot;Do<\/p>\n<p>good arguments count in these fora?&quot; and &quot;How could we make<\/p>\n<p>them count more?&quot;<\/li>\n<li>Society-wide deliberations occuring in civil society and the media,\n<p>e.g., America&#8217;s discussion of gender-roles since the mid-1800s.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Meanwhile, there have been many interesting experiments that involve<\/p>\n<p>actual citizen deliberations at modest scales outside of the government.<\/p>\n<p>Many of the groups that promote such experiments are now gathered into<\/p>\n<p>the<a href=\"http:\/\/www.deliberative-democracy.net\/\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http:\/\/www.peterlevine.ws\/images\/ddc_logo.GIF\" width=\"164\" height=\"33\" border=\"0\"><\/a><\/p>\n<p>. Their work is influenced by the intellectual trends described above,<\/p>\n<p>but it also continues an American tradition going back to the Chautauqua<\/p>\n<p>Movement, the Freedom Schools of the Civil Rights Movement, etc.<\/p>\n<p>These experiments have not been much studied. We need to ask: What is<\/p>\n<p>the point of convening a group of citizens to discuss a public issue,<\/p>\n<p>if the group is not a legislature or some other decision-making body?<\/p>\n<p>What outcomes should we hope for from such experiments? Are they intrinsically<\/p>\n<p>valuable, or only valuable as part of a movement that somehow &quot;goes<\/p>\n<p>to scale&quot; or changes official institutions? What are the best ways<\/p>\n<p>to structure citizens&#8217; deliberations? And what makes them successful?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>I made a presentation today at the Society for Values in Higher Education&#8217;s conference at a beautiful rural retreat in northwestern Connecticut. This was my outline: Deliberation is a hot topic in philosophy, law, and political science, generating shelves of books and articles. I believe that there are three reasons for this: Until the 1960s, [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4171","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-deliberation"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4171","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4171"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4171\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4171"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4171"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/peterlevine.ws\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4171"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}