Monthly Archives: September 2009

Reforming the Humanities (coming soon)

My new book is in production and has a cover and an Amazon page. It’s entitled Reforming the Humanities: Literature and Ethics from Dante through Modern Times. Two blurbs are on the back:

    “Levine has written an erudite, balanced, insightful book integrating moral philosophy and literary interpretation. His choice of Dante’s story of Francesca and Paolo is inspired, enabling him to illustrate his methodological and substantive points with a literary masterpiece. If anyone doubts that literature is ethical or that ethics can benefit from literature, this book will prove him wrong. I see here the beginnings of a new and promising humanistic discipline—narrative ethics.”—Colin McGinn, Professor of Philosophy, University of Miami

    “The virtues of this book are many: it makes clear and compelling arguments for moderate particularism and historicism in moral reasoning, it deftly shows how Dante himself pursued these goals despite his own penchant for moral universalism, it generously but insistently illustrates the limitations of extremity (in particularism, historicism, and also universalism) through wide-ranging references to periods in art, literature, music, and philosophy, and it finally allies itself with a still burgeoning humanistic revival led by literary critics and moral philosophers. The author’s learnedness and intellectual curiosity are on display on every page…Philosophers and literary critics have much more to learn from each other right now. In the humanities, we dwell too much on what to read and how to read, but too little on why to read. This book offers a distinctive and compelling answer to that last question.”—Daniel S. Malachuk, Western Illinois University and author of Perfection, the State, and Victorian Liberalism

how Obama is post-partisan

This is exactly the point I tried to make in a lengthy blog post some time ago:

    The president brushed off suggestions by some allies that the fight over his centerpiece domestic policy initiative has been tinged by racial attitudes. “What’s driving passions right now is health care has become a proxy for a broader set of issues about how much government should be involved in our economy,” he said on CBS. “I have no interest in increasing the size of government. I just want to make sure we’ve got a smart government.”

If Barack Obama is “post-partisan,” it’s not because his positions are middle-of-the-road or ideologically indistinct, nor because he is prone to compromise. It’s because he doesn’t want to use policy debates as proxies for a grand ideological struggle between statist liberalism and libertarian conservatism.

Paul Krugman recently wrote that Mr. Obama “needs to get over” his “visceral reluctance to engage in anything that resembles populist rhetoric.” Obama is often populist, but not in Krugman’s sense, which means strong support for government regulation. I don’t think Obama’s reluctance to go down that path is “visceral” at all (unlike Krugman’s yearning for the old time liberal religion). On the contrary, Obama knows that (a) most Americans are not very ideological, and (b) among Americans with ideological motivations, conservatives outnumber liberals. In the latest Gallup survey, “57% of Americans say the government is trying to do too many things that should be left to businesses and individuals,” and 38% think it should do more. Twenty-four percent would like to see more regulation of business and industry; 45% think there is too much already. Public opinion has moved sharply against regulation in the last year.

I think it’s foolish to try to turn this tide with presidential rhetoric or with policy devices like the public health insurance option, which is supposed to demonstrate the advantages of government management. Americans’ skepticism of government is built into our political DNA. Skepticism has risen with decades of poor performance by parts of the government; and the recent bailouts increased it further. We already have plenty of examples of good government programs, including Medicare and Social Security, that should suffice to demonstrate the advantages of federal leadership.

If a president avoids ideological proxy battles and tries to expand health coverage by using the most convenient and efficient tools possible, he can have most Americans behind him. If one of those tools really is a public health insurance option, I’m for it. But I think Obama knows much better than Krugman how to play the politics of this.

assessing ACORN

ACORN (Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now) is the epicenter of today’s political struggle. It was already a target of angry criticism during the 2008 election because of its radicalism and its links to Barack Obama–and perhaps because it is one of the only effective interest groups for poor people. (It claims 400,000 families in its membership.) Both houses of Congress recently passed bills to strip ACORN of federal funds after a video surfaced in which ACORN staff were shown providing illegal assistance to actors pretending to be, respectively, a pimp and a prostitute. ACORN replied that the behavior caught on tape was unacceptable but that many other staffers had refused to help the actors–some even called the police–and that the tape may have been doctored.

Because of ACORN’s sheer size and its symbolic importance, we need to reach fair and informed judgments about it. Maybe Democrats and liberals should throw it off the bus, or maybe we should defend it. I am cautious about reaching any judgment, because I know that it’s hard to make a fair and accurate assessment of a large organization that is the target of unrelentingly hostile scrutiny. One problem with the “gotcha” video (apart from its hostile motivation), is its lack of reliability. Who knows, for example, whether the discarded video from other encounters would make ACORN look very ethical? And perhaps you could get similar footage if you traveled around the country trying to entrap staff from the Red Cross or the Veterans of Foreign Wars. The evidentiary value of the video is low.

Thus it’s with deep uncertainty and humility that I confess my own misgivings about ACORN. There was, first of all, the astounding news that the board covered up a $1 million case of embezzlement to prevent embarrassment. I blogged about that–as an angry former donor whose money had been stolen–and I did receive a personalized and very strongly worded apology. The apology made a difference to me, but the original scandal reinforced my feelings about ACORN’s worldview. ACORN thinks of poor people as victims, and itself as a victim because it stands with them. There are villains who are out to get the poor, and ACORN is good because it is on their side. That kind of attitude can excuse bad behavior and cover-ups. More than that, it can cause you to underestimate the capacities of poor people and opportunities for collaboration.

A classic ACORN event displays the victimization of poor people and the wickedness of some rich and powerful group (who then become even less likely to collaborate). For instance, I once described an ACORN protest against federal welfare policy. The angry crowd that ACORN assembled shouted down the sole member of Congress who chose to address them, Rep. Charles B. Rangel of Harlem, demanding that he answer their questions and meet with them in New York City. One of the rally’s organizers (a Harvard graduate) explained: “Most of the crowd are people living with the reality of fairly extreme poverty in their own lives, and they are rightly angry.”

The organizers of this protest apparently believed that they could speak for poor people, whose main need was more federal welfare spending. Their strategy for winning such aid was to parade welfare recipients before Congress and the press, emphasizing their deprivation and anger. (They also displayed the political naivety and weakness of these people.) The protest organizers implied that anyone who did not completely endorse their demands was their enemy. And of course they failed completely.

In contrast, community organizers such as the Industrial Areas Foundation like to build up the confidence, skills, and power of poor people and make allies out of any powerful leaders and institutions who will cooperate. Their goal is to work with the powerful as equals, with mutual respect and accountability. Time and time again, the latter kind of organizers report that ACORN is a major problem.

For instance, in Community Organizing: Building Social Capital as a Development Strategy, Ross Gittel and Avid Vidal focus on LISC (the Local Initiatives Support Corporation), which supports collaborative community development in poor areas. They write:

    After program activities began in Little Rock, the local coordinator tried to reach out to ACORN and develop a working relationship but was largely unsuccessful. ACORN was never ideologically comfortable working with LISC and was highly doubtful about the potential efficacy of the consensus organizing approach, which contrasted with their own confrontational tactics. ACORN tried at times to undermine LISC’s efforts (e.g., claiming that LISC groups were “selling out to corporate interests”), but was largely unsuccessful.

Again, in Streets of Hope: The Fall and Rise of an Urban Neighborhood, Peter Medoff and Holly Sklar tell the story of the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative in Bostons South End. They devote a whole section to “friction” with ACORN. They write, “By the time ACORN first expanded into Massachusetts in 1980, it had already developed a reputation among progressive organizers and funders for not working in coalition with other organizations. In Boston, it was seen as invading the turf of Massachusetts Fair Share.”

In the 1980s, ACORN set up a “tent city” in vacant, city-owned land to pressure Boston to build affordable housing. “DSNI members were angry not only because ACORN, seen as an outsider to the neighborhood, had focused on Dudley Street without first contacting DSNI, which had been so carefully structured to empower residents and break the pattern of outsider-agency domination. But also DSNI … had successfully negotiated with the city to stop disposing of vacant land until the neighborhood was able to complete a comprehensive neighborhood development plan and exercise community control.” (Medoff and Sklar proceed to describe “angry exchanges” and charges that ACORN members pretended to be from DSNI when they canvassed for money.)

These are anecdotes that depend on testimony from people who have struggled with ACORN. Maybe ACORN’s side of each story would be convincing. But I could multiply these examples, and they add up to an indictment. I think partisan Republicans are attacking ACORN with poor motives and unethical methods. They dramatically exaggerate its funding and impact, when it appears to be in pretty rough shape. But there is a valid critique from the left. The two critiques are related because the same tactics that antagonize ideological conservatives also disempower poor people at the grassroots level and disrupt progressive coalitions. I wouldn’t throw ACORN off the bus, but I am for strengthening the alternatives.

women’s leadership in the 21st century

Linda Tarr-Whelan has a distinguished background as a nurse, union official, civil servant, and diplomat. Her latest book is Women Lead the Way: Your Guide to Stepping Up to Leadership and Changing the World. She argues that women are still far from adequately represented in leadership positions, and she provides practical advice for changing that.

Here is the audio of a recent teleconference about the book, with Tarr-Whelan and my colleague Allison Fine:

To pre-order Linda Tarr-Whelan’s new book visit Amazon

C-SPAN broadcasts our panel on the Obama Civic Agenda

Our Institute of Civic Studies last summer ended with a very spirited public debate about the Obama Administration’s Civic Agenda. Our “text” was candidate Barack Obama’s promise: “I will ask for your service and your active citizenship when I am President of the United States. This will not be a call issued in one speech or program; this will be a central cause of my presidency.” The questions we addressed included: What did Barack Obama mean? What should he have meant? What has the Administration done so far on this issue? What should it do? And what should we do? The speakers were:

  • Alan D. Solomont (keynote), Chair, Corporation for National and Community Service
  • Harry Boyte, University of Minnesota
  • Archon Fung, Harvard University
  • Marshall Ganz, Harvard University
  • Carolyn J. Lukensmeyer, President and Founder, AmericaSpeaks
  • Xolela Mangcu, University of Johannesburg
  • Carmen Sirianni, Brandeis UniversityC-SPAN (a US cable channel) recorded the event and aired it this morning. The full video and some transcribed text is here. (Unfortunately, C-SPAN’s video is not embeddable on my blog.) We hope to create a short, edited version of this program, which is more than two hours long.